tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-50795838366222107322024-03-19T03:57:50.333+08:00Indonesia-Institute Inc: Indonesia TodayUnknownnoreply@blogger.comBlogger428125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5079583836622210732.post-39653202305792503362019-09-29T23:00:00.001+08:002019-09-29T23:00:05.934+08:00WE HAVE A NEW BLOGWE HAVE A BRAND NEW BLOG. TO ACCESS ALL THE LATEST REVIEWS, ARTICLES AND COMMENTS PLEASE CLICK ON THIS LINK BELOW...<br />
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<br />Unknownnoreply@blogger.com428tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5079583836622210732.post-28973154826472829792017-12-26T10:30:00.001+08:002017-12-26T10:38:42.983+08:00Indonesian Foreign Policy: Blind Spots, Stress Points and Potential Pitfalls<h1 class="innerpage-head" style="box-sizing: border-box; clear: both; color: #151515; font-family: Merriweather, serif; font-size: 35px; line-height: 35px; margin: 0px;">
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<span class="author-name" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #151515; font-family: "helveticabold"; padding-right: 15px;"><b>Jarryd de Haan</b></span></div>
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<strong style="box-sizing: border-box;">Key Points</strong></div>
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<li style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #151515; list-style: none; padding: 0px 0px 15px 20px; position: relative; text-align: justify;">Indonesia has been ignoring its leadership role in ASEAN, even though that organisation has the potential to be a valuable tool for extending Indonesian influence.</li>
<li style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #151515; list-style: none; padding: 0px 0px 15px 20px; position: relative; text-align: justify;">Indonesia’s reputation as a moderate Islamic country has been tarnished from within, potentially jeopardising its long-standing position as a beacon of Muslim democracy.</li>
<li style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #151515; list-style: none; padding: 0px 0px 15px 20px; position: relative; text-align: justify;">The increasing appeal of populism to Indonesian politicians could influence foreign policy decision-making in the future.</li>
<li style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #151515; list-style: none; padding: 0px 0px 15px 20px; position: relative; text-align: justify;">Phantom threats such as “proxy wars”, which are being fed by the suspicions of high-ranking Indonesian officials, are encouraging a protectionist stance in foreign affairs.</li>
<li style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #151515; list-style: none; padding: 0px 0px 15px 20px; position: relative; text-align: justify;">Indonesia will need to reduce its economic dependence on China to avoid future conflict between its economic interests and its political and security concerns.</li>
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<strong style="box-sizing: border-box;">Summary</strong></div>
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Indonesia is growing. Strong economic growth and a swelling middle class have even seen some analysts <a href="https://www.pwc.com/gx/en/world-2050/assets/pwc-world-in-2050-summary-report-feb-2017.pdf" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #f31f3a; outline: none; text-align: center !important; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.4s ease-in-out;">predict</a> that Indonesia will become a global economic powerhouse behind China, India and the United States. As it moves along that path, Indonesia will continue to<br />
re-shape its strategic outlook and overcome numerous challenges as it seeks further influence in its region and beyond. This paper will examine some of those challenges in the context of foreign policy, specifically, the leadership role that Indonesia needs to fulfil through ASEAN, its position as a Muslim beacon of democracy and the need to reduce its dependence on China by broadening its economic relationships with other countries. Additionally, the appeal of populist policies and phantom threats that are distracting officials from addressing such foreign policy challenges will also be looked at.</div>
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<strong style="box-sizing: border-box;">Analysis</strong></div>
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<strong style="box-sizing: border-box;"><em style="box-sizing: border-box;">ASEAN Needs a Leader</em></strong></div>
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As has been noted in the <a href="http://www.futuredirections.org.au/publication/future-challenges-indonesia-asean-leader/" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #f31f3a; outline: none; text-align: center !important; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.4s ease-in-out;"><em style="box-sizing: border-box;">Strategic Weekly Analysis</em></a>, the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) will be facing its first real challenges within the next fifty years and will need strong leadership to survive. Currently, that leadership does not exist. While Indonesia is generally accepted as the de-facto leader of ASEAN regardless of where the chairmanship may lie, Indonesia has yet to completely embrace that role, and instead attempts to delegate the responsibility to “collective leadership”. The ideals of collective leadership are closely entwined with the values of the “ASEAN way” – a founding principle of ASEAN that values sovereignty and non-interference in the domestic issues of other states. The “ASEAN way” has unfortunately become an excuse for inaction in the face of pressing regional issues such as the Rohingya refugee crisis. While Malaysia has broken from that tradition and heavily criticised the Myanmar Government for its handling of the issue while providing aid (although perhaps more out of <a href="http://www.futuredirections.org.au/publication/najib-razaks-obsession-myanmars-rohingya-crisis/" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #f31f3a; outline: none; text-align: center !important; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.4s ease-in-out;">political ambition</a>than for genuine concern), ASEAN as a whole has yet to co-ordinate a response to the crisis which has been playing out for more than two years.</div>
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ASEAN’s failure to act for fear of offending one of its members is a significant roadblock to the organisation’s future. Without strong leadership, ASEAN could very well dissolve in the face of brewing geo-strategic conflicts such as that between China and the United States. Stronger leadership is needed to encourage responses to regional issues and to pave the way for ASEAN integration.<a href="http://www.futuredirections.org.au/publication/indonesian-foreign-policy-blind-spots-stress-points-potential-pitfalls/#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #f31f3a; outline: none; text-align: center !important; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.4s ease-in-out;"><sup style="box-sizing: border-box;"><sup style="box-sizing: border-box;">[1]</sup></sup></a> Such an approach will need to be carefully managed, however, as divisive leadership will only serve to destabilise the organisation. Regardless, it will be a foreign policy failure on the part of Indonesia to brush aside its de-facto leadership role, as ASEAN has the potential to be an essential part of Indonesian foreign policy and a valuable tool for exerting influence and maintaining stability in the region.</div>
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<strong style="box-sizing: border-box;"><em style="box-sizing: border-box;">Moderate Islam under Threat</em></strong></div>
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Since the days of Sukarno, the role of Islam in Indonesian foreign policy has been mostly limited to legitimising policy objectives. Past situations in which Islam has played a minor role in dictating where Indonesian sympathies would be directed include the Israel-Palestine conflict, the Bosnian War and clashes between India and Pakistan. The dynamic of Islam in Indonesian foreign policy, however, has changed radically following <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">reformasi</em>and the post-Suharto era which led to the democratisation of Indonesia.<a href="http://www.futuredirections.org.au/publication/indonesian-foreign-policy-blind-spots-stress-points-potential-pitfalls/#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #f31f3a; outline: none; text-align: center !important; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.4s ease-in-out;"><sup style="box-sizing: border-box;"><sup style="box-sizing: border-box;">[2]</sup></sup></a> The <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">reformasi</em>process established Indonesia as the world’s largest Muslim democracy, leading the government to project itself as both a bridge between the Muslim and Western worlds and as a role model for other Muslim countries. The attacks of 11 September 2001 and the Bali Bombings of 2002 also led the Indonesian Ministry of Foreign Affairs to shift focus to “Moderate Islam” as the identity of Indonesian Islam, wherein Indonesia’s Islam is moderate, tolerant and compatible with democracy.<a href="http://www.futuredirections.org.au/publication/indonesian-foreign-policy-blind-spots-stress-points-potential-pitfalls/#_ftn3" name="_ftnref3" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #f31f3a; outline: none; text-align: center !important; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.4s ease-in-out;"><sup style="box-sizing: border-box;"><sup style="box-sizing: border-box;">[3]</sup></sup></a></div>
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From within, however, Indonesia’s moderate Muslim image has been tarnished. <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/news/2017-09-12/indonesian-woman-caned-after-adultery-conviction-in-sharia-court/8894080" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #f31f3a; outline: none; text-align: center !important; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.4s ease-in-out;">Canings for adultery</a> under sharia law, <a href="http://www.theaustralian.com.au/news/world/indonesian-police-arrest-58-men-in-raid-on-gay-sauna/news-story/dc2c5e1f3912d2d3872f486931de0f166&usg=AOvVaw2RIqxUibGYrmF3Je9feA1-" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #f31f3a; outline: none; text-align: center !important; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.4s ease-in-out;">police raids</a> on gay spas and a <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/may/09/jakarta-governor-ahok-found-guilty-of-blasphemy-jailed-for-two-years" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #f31f3a; outline: none; text-align: center !important; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.4s ease-in-out;">Christian governor jailed</a> for blasphemy have all hit Australian news headlines this year. Whether or not Indonesian Islam is moving away from its moderate past, the Australian media is certainly portraying that to be the case. The hardline Islamic Defenders Front group has also gained momentum despite government efforts to crack down on such groups that have been deemed to be “anti-Pancasila”. In light of that, the Indonesian Government may wish to be more wary of Wahhabi influences emanating from Saudi Arabia. A previous <a href="http://www.futuredirections.org.au/publication/consequences-inequality-indonesia-extremism-corruption-economic-costs/" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #f31f3a; outline: none; text-align: center !important; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.4s ease-in-out;"><em style="box-sizing: border-box;">Strategic Analysis Paper</em></a> highlighted the potential that Saudi-funded <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">madrasas </em>(Islamic day schools) could have in fuelling an apparent trend of “Arabisation” among Indonesian Muslims. That influence, however, could be subject to change given recent <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2017/11/23/opinion/saudi-prince-mbs-arab-spring.html" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #f31f3a; outline: none; text-align: center !important; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.4s ease-in-out;">sentiments</a> from Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman (MbS) to restore Saudi Islam back to its more moderate roots and to turn away from current radical leanings. Time will tell whether or not MbS is genuine in his pursuits and if that will sway hardline Muslim groups in Indonesia.</div>
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It is important at this point to distinguish the difference between Islam as a political ideology and Islam in the public sphere. Islam as a political ideology will remain moderate and tolerant, and will continue to operate in the sphere of foreign policy within the bounds set by the principles of Pancasila. Islamic groups within the public sphere, on the other hand (with the more radical groups tending to be the loudest), will continue to influence foreign policy by pressuring the government on issues related to Muslim causes.<a href="http://www.futuredirections.org.au/publication/indonesian-foreign-policy-blind-spots-stress-points-potential-pitfalls/#_ftn4" name="_ftnref4" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #f31f3a; outline: none; text-align: center !important; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.4s ease-in-out;"><sup style="box-sizing: border-box;"><sup style="box-sizing: border-box;">[4]</sup></sup></a> In this light, the tarnishing of Indonesia’s position as a moderate Islamic voice could affect its relations with Australia and perhaps the wider Western world, especially if the government becomes more concerned with winning votes at home rather than strengthening relationships abroad. That kind of populist decision-making would be detrimental to Indonesian foreign policy.</div>
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<strong style="box-sizing: border-box;"><em style="box-sizing: border-box;">Rise of Populism</em></strong></div>
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For decades, experts often agreed that the Indonesian public plays little to no role in the foreign policy decisions made by the government. Recently, however, the public has become <a href="https://web.stanford.edu/~tomz/working/TWY-PublicOpinion-2017-02.pdf" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #f31f3a; outline: none; text-align: center !important; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.4s ease-in-out;">more informed</a> about, and interested in, international affairs. The public primarily influences foreign policy through voting and public opinion. Indonesia’s rapidly growing middle class also adds weight to public opinion within the country. The problems associated with foreign policy informed by populism can be seen in the case of US President Donald Trump. Under Trump, relations with Mexico, Cuba and a number of Muslim-majority countries have significantly deteriorated as a result of a protectionist foreign policy focussed on putting “America First”.</div>
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In the case of Indonesia, a populist president would likely be affiliated with conservative Muslim groups and would give a stronger voice to groups such as the Islamic Defenders Front (<em style="box-sizing: border-box;">Front Pembela Islam</em>, or FPI). FPI leader and founder Rizieq Shihab is a popular (albeit controversial) figure in Indonesia, with a recent <a href="https://news.detik.com/berita/d-3698695/rizieq-popular-muhammadiyah-nu-perlu-perbarui-dakwah" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #f31f3a; outline: none; text-align: center !important; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.4s ease-in-out;">survey</a> [in Bahasa Indonesia], released in October 2017 listing him as the third most popular Indonesian scholar. The same group is also known for spreading fear that Islam in Indonesia is under attack by forces such as communism, and promoting hatred towards such so-called opponents of Islam. The following address by the now General Chairman of FPI, Sobri Lubis, adds the Indonesian Ahmadiyyah Muslim community to the list of those forces:</div>
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We call on the Muslim community. Let us go to war with Ahmadiyyah! Kill Ahmadiyyah wherever they are! God is great! God is great! Kill! Kill! Kill! If we do not kill Ahmadiyyah they will destroy our faith.… The blood of Ahmadiyyah is halal (permissible).… If they want to know who is responsible for killing Ahmadiyyah, it is I.… Say that Sobri Lubis ordered it, that Habib Rizieq and FPI ordered it!<sup style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #f31f3a; outline: none; text-align: center !important; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.4s ease-in-out;"><sup style="box-sizing: border-box;"><a href="http://www.futuredirections.org.au/publication/indonesian-foreign-policy-blind-spots-stress-points-potential-pitfalls/#_ftn5" name="_ftnref5" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #f31f3a; outline: none; text-align: center !important; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.4s ease-in-out;">[5]</a></sup></sup></div>
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Any influence that groups such as the FPI may hold on foreign policy decisions made by the government will be opposed to the notion of democracy, damaging to Indonesia’s relations with the West and detrimental to its position as a beacon of Muslim democracy and a moderate voice in international conflicts. Their influence within the Indonesian community, therefore, should also be seen as a concern which could have broad implications in the Indonesian political sphere.</div>
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<strong style="box-sizing: border-box;"><em style="box-sizing: border-box;">Distractions and Phantom Threats</em></strong></div>
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Indonesian officials and groups often stoke the flames of phantom threats, with one of the more common threats being communism. In September 2017, hundreds of protestors <a href="http://www.insideindonesia.org/when-a-history-seminar-becomes-toxic" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #f31f3a; outline: none; text-align: center !important; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.4s ease-in-out;">besieged</a> the headquarters of the Indonesian Legal Aid Institute Foundation (<em style="box-sizing: border-box;">Yayasan Lembaga Bantuan Hukum Indonesia:</em> YLBHI) for days after a small group of scholars, lawyers and victims of the 1965 Communist Purge attempted to hold a discussion on the killings that took place between 1956 and 1966. The protestors gathered after rumours spread that those participating in the meeting were trying to revive the Indonesian Communist Party (<em style="box-sizing: border-box;">Partai Komunis Indonesia:</em> PKI). Eventually, the police were called to break up the meeting as protesters shouted ‘Eliminate the PKI!’ Further protests took place the following day, with a number of conservative groups becoming involved, including the FPI, and pushing the number of protesters up towards one thousand and subsequently turning the protests violent. Shortly after the incident, several thousand protesters gathered in Jakarta to rally against a “growing threat” from communism. Professor Tim Lindsay, Director of the Centre for Indonesian Law, Islam and Society at the Melbourne University Law School, said the <a href="http://ourindonesiatoday.blogspot.com.au/2017/10/watch-out-indonesian-democracy-islamism.html" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #f31f3a; outline: none; text-align: center !important; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.4s ease-in-out;">following</a> in response to the incident:</div>
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<a href="http://www.futuredirections.org.au/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/Fig.-1-Export-Markets.png" rel="attachment wp-att-15583" style="box-sizing: border-box; clear: right; color: #f31f3a; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em; outline: none; text-align: center !important; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.4s ease-in-out;"></a>The idea that communism might be resurgent is ridiculous in a country that doesn’t even have a leftist political party. Although the PKI was violently obliterated in the mid-sixties, and communism is a dead letter globally which has no popular support in Indonesia, it is alive and well as Indonesia’s No. 1 bogeyman.</div>
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Armed forces chief General Gatot Nurmantyo and Defence Minister Ryamizard Ryacudu are two officials known for spreading fear over non-existent threats such as communism. Nurmantyo is <a href="http://indonesiaatmelbourne.unimelb.edu.au/jokowis-risky-anti-foreign-rhetoric/" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #f31f3a; outline: none; text-align: center !important; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.4s ease-in-out;">known</a> for speaking out about “proxy wars” in Indonesia, whether in the form of drugs weakening the youth, communist ideas brainwashing the public or <a href="http://www.beritasatu.com/nusantara/383070-panglima-tni-terorisme-merupakan-bentuk-proxy-war.html" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #f31f3a; outline: none; text-align: center !important; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.4s ease-in-out;">terrorism funded by countries such as Australia</a> [text in Bahasa Indonesia]. It is <a href="https://www.lowyinstitute.org/the-interpreter/defence-fracas-shows-fault-lines-australia-indonesia-relations" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #f31f3a; outline: none; text-align: center !important; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.4s ease-in-out;">widely believed</a> in the Australian media that Nurmantyo is using this rhetoric as a means to whip up public support for a possible attempt at the presidency in the next election. Ryacudu, who soon jumped on the “proxy war” bandwagon, has his own ambition to strengthening the influence of the military in domestic affairs.</div>
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The majority of these “proxy wars” arise from the idea that Indonesia’s sovereignty and the values enshrined under Pancasila are constantly under threat from external and foreign forces. A recent example on the impact that this stance can have is the partial suspension of military ties with Australia in January 2017. The suspension was instated by Nurmantyo (<a href="https://www.reuters.com/article/us-indonesia-australia-military-gatot/indonesias-president-moves-to-rein-in-out-of-control-military-chief-idUSKBN14T0MC" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #f31f3a; outline: none; text-align: center !important; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.4s ease-in-out;">without consulting President Jokowi</a>) following his visit to a Perth army base where he alleged the Indonesian ideology of Pancasila was insulted and that Indonesian forces were exposed to propaganda material about Papua. Additionally, instead of focussing on real issues, such as how the military can protect Indonesian maritime assets in the future, Indonesian defence officials are getting caught up in how to combat non-existent or exaggerated threats. The result is that Indonesians are looking inwards for signs of Chinese communist propaganda while China encroaches on Indonesian interests in the South China Sea.</div>
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<strong style="box-sizing: border-box;"><em style="box-sizing: border-box;">China: Economics Mixed With Politics</em></strong></div>
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Indonesia’s economy benefits heavily from trade, investment and tourism coming from China. Beijing is Jakarta’s largest export market, receiving $22.2 billion worth of exported goods from Indonesia in 2016. While that is at similar levels to the United States ($21.3 billion) and Japan ($21.3 billion), exports to China since 2000 have grown at significantly higher levels, as seen in Figure 1, below.</div>
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China is also the third-largest source of direct investment for Indonesia, just behind Japan and Singapore. Indonesia’s tourism sector, which generated <a href="https://www.wttc.org/-/media/files/reports/economic-impact-research/countries-2017/indonesia2017.pdf" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #f31f3a; outline: none; text-align: center !important; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.4s ease-in-out;">revenue</a> of $16.3 billion in 2016 (almost double that of the largest export, petroleum gas), is also led by China. Singapore is the only other country with a significant presence in all three sectors. Looking towards the next decade, China will likely remain in the top two markets for exports, the top three investors for Indonesia and will continue to dominate the tourism industry in Indonesia.</div>
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The issue with having a strong economic relationship with China is that economics are often mixed with politics. The overarching Chinese economic policy, the “Belt and Road Initiative” (BRI), is focussed on developing infrastructure and increasing connectivity throughout Eurasia to support a China-centred trade network. That economic goal, however, is closely linked with political ambition. Peter Cair, a non-resident fellow at the Lowy Institute, <a href="https://www.lowyinstitute.org/publications/understanding-belt-and-road-initiative" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #f31f3a; outline: none; text-align: center !important; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.4s ease-in-out;">notes that</a>, ‘the overarching objective of the [Belt and Road] initiative is helping China to achieve geopolitical goals by economically binding China’s neighbouring countries more closely to Beijing’. Through closer economic ties with Indonesia, China will have greater push and pull when it comes to political or diplomatic affairs. From China’s perspective, closer relations with the de-facto leader of ASEAN and the largest economy in South-East Asia serves a number of geo-political interests. Regardless of whether or not China’s increasing interest in South-East Asia is benign or malignant, Indonesia should avoid putting itself in a position where, without China, its economy is vulnerable. Being in such a position could blind Indonesian leaders to the political ambitions of China, which may come at the expense of Indonesia’s own national interests.</div>
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<strong style="box-sizing: border-box;"><em style="box-sizing: border-box;">Conclusion</em></strong></div>
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The points presented in this paper are only some of the foreign policy challenges that Indonesia will face on its path towards becoming a true regional, if not global, power. In light of the challenges mentioned above, Indonesia will be remiss if it does not solidify its role as leader in the region through ASEAN. The inner workings of hardline Islam, the draw of populism and the use of phantom threats, on the other hand, are much more intricate issues with few immediate solutions. Diversifying economic relations with countries other than China should not be difficult from Indonesia’s perspective, as it is generally in a favourable position to negotiate trade agreements and investment opportunities with a number of major economies due to its market size and economic strength. If it can do that, it will help to avoid economic dependency on China and any political ramifications that come with that.</div>
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<strong style="box-sizing: border-box;">*****</strong></div>
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<em style="box-sizing: border-box;"><br style="box-sizing: border-box;" /></em></div>
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<em style="box-sizing: border-box;">Jarryd de Hann is a Research Analyist with the Perth-based Future Directions Int.</em><br />
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<em style="box-sizing: border-box;">( The title of this paper is based on a session of the Conference on Indonesian Foreign Policy 2017, held in Jakarta on 21 October, hosted by the Foreign Policy Community of Indonesia and attended by the author.</em></div>
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.com14tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5079583836622210732.post-73599093499316631702017-12-26T10:25:00.000+08:002017-12-26T10:25:05.071+08:00A leap for faith in Indonesia<h1 class="headline" style="border: 0px; clear: both; color: #252d3c; font-family: "Tablet Gothic W01", helvetica, arial, sans-serif; font-size: 54px; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: 60px; margin: 0px 0px 20px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">
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<i>A high court decision gives state recognition to some 245 traditional faiths, a small but overdue victory for religious freedom</i></h2>
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<img alt="Balinese Hindus pray to celebrate the religious festival Galungan at the Jagat Natha temple in Denpasar on Indonesia's Bali island on November 1, 2017. Balinese Hindu adherents celebrate Galungan Day or the Earth's celebration to thank God for the creation of the Earth and its content. Photo: AFP/Sonny Tumbelaka" class="lazy attachment-9columns size-9columns wp-post-image" height="576" src="http://static.atimes.com/uploads/2017/11/Indonesia-Hinduism-Bali-Prayer--960x576.jpg" style="border: 0px; display: block; font-family: inherit; font-size: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; height: auto; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline; width: 960px;" title="INDONESIA-BALI-HINDUISM-GALUNGAN" width="960" /><div class="caption" style="border-bottom-color: rgb(224, 224, 224); border-bottom-style: solid; border-image: initial; border-left-color: initial; border-left-style: initial; border-right-color: initial; border-right-style: initial; border-top-color: initial; border-top-style: initial; border-width: 0px 0px 1px; clear: both; color: #787878; float: none; font-family: "Soleil W01", helvetica, arial, sans-serif; font-size: 12px; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: 14px; margin: 0px; padding: 8px 0px; vertical-align: baseline; width: 960px;">
Balinese Hindus pray to celebrate the religious festival Galungan at the Jagat Natha temple in Denpasar on Indonesia's Bali island on November 1, 2017. Balinese Hindu adherents celebrate Galungan Day or the Earth's celebration to thank God for the creation of the Earth and its content. Photo: AFP/Sonny Tumbelaka</div>
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In a few heart-felt moments during a hushed Catholic funeral service, Indonesian soprano Rami Kirana did more for interfaith relations in her Muslim majority country than any well-meaning government or religious figure could have done in a year of talking.</div>
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Standing in a grey hijab in the Catholic cathedral in Bogor, south of Jakarta, the young Muslim artist sang a stunning rendition of <em style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Ave Maria </em>in a final farewell to her best friend, a Catholic woman, that took Indonesia’s social media by storm.</div>
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Typically, in today’s increasingly intolerant Indonesia, she later received threats from hard-line Islamists, forcing those responsible for posting the moving video on Facebook to try and tone down the reaction in the interests of her safety.</div>
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Kirana, whose mother and grandmother were both noted sopranos, received permission from the church to sing the traditional Angelic Salutation prayer as the casket bearing her friend’s body was closed in the final stages of the requiem mass.</div>
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Fittingly, the November 6 funeral came a day before Indonesia’s Constitutional Court issued a landmark ruling in which the government was instructed to officially recognize traditional faiths, seen as a small but overdue victory for religious freedom.</div>
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Until now, in what has long been regarded as an infringement of individual rights, the state has only recognized Islam, Catholicism, Protestantism, Buddhism, Hinduism and Confucianism, leaving about 245 traditional faiths in limbo. The court’s ruling creates a seventh encompassing category.</div>
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<img alt="Dance called "Legong Dance" at the Palace of Ubud. Ubud-Bali. Traditional balinese dance in Ubud. There are many Balinese dance performances to see in Bali, sacred dances can be subdivided into various groups such as temple dances, Pendet dance, Rejang dance, Barong dance, Legong dance, Sanghyang dance and Kecak dance. The sacred dance Pendet and Rejang dance will be held when the temple anniversay. Mostly for visitor they like to see Barong Keris Trance Dance, Kecak Fire Trance Dance and Legong Dance. Combination Legong dance with other dance, Mask dance and Barong dance with instrumental group music. Legong dancer will dance by beautifull girls wearing colourfull cloth. The dance performace held in outside courtyard of Ubud Palace with background huge closed gate, start at 7.30 pm till 9.00 pm. Everyday they show different kinds of Balinese dance in this place such as Ramayana Ballet, Mahabarata Ballet and Spirit dance. Included to see this dance with other tour destination Ubud Village Tour. The Barong is a mythological being in Bali that takes the form of a four-legged wild animal. This wild animal was the totem animal or the animal protecting the Balinese people before the Hindu relegion entered the island, because of the function as protector, the Barong is said to be manifestation of good forces which will always fight the manifestation of evil forces, the Rangda, who take the form of a frightening she-devil. The Barong Dance has always been popular in Bali. It is danced by two men, one man dancing the head and forelegs and other playing the hind legs and tail. The wel-known barong in Bali are the Barong Keket, the Barong Kalekek and Barong Landung. The dance performance show in the morning at Batubulan Village start at 9.30am taken from the Mahabarata epic, you can include to see this dance with other tour destination Volcano Tour, Bedugul Tour, Besakih Tour and Ubud Volcano Tour." class="lazy size-full wp-image-173041" height="1063" src="http://static.atimes.com/uploads/2017/11/Indonesia-Bali-Traditional-Dance-October-15-2013.jpg" style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; height: auto; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px !important; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline; width: 540px;" title="" width="1600" /><div class="wp-caption-text" style="border-bottom-color: rgb(224, 224, 224); border-bottom-style: solid; border-image: initial; border-left-color: initial; border-left-style: initial; border-right-color: initial; border-right-style: initial; border-top-color: initial; border-top-style: initial; border-width: 0px 0px 1px; clear: both; color: #787878; float: left; font-family: "Soleil W01", helvetica, arial, sans-serif; font-size: 12px; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: 14px; margin: 0px; padding: 8px 0px; vertical-align: baseline; width: 540px;">
A dancer performs the scared Balinese Legong Dance at the Palace of Ubud in Bali, Indonesia. Photo: AFP.</div>
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The government does not recognize agnosticism or atheism and blasphemy prosecutions have multiplied from only a handful during former President Suharto’s heavy-handed New Order regime to more than 130 under President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono’s decade-long rule.</div>
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The court decided that provisions in the 2013 Civil Administration Law requiring followers of indigenous tribal and other unrecognized faiths to leave the religion field in their identity cards blank was discriminatory under the 1945 Constitution.</div>
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The panel of nine judges agreed with lawyers representing four traditional faiths, who last year filed a request for a judicial review, that the two articles in question provided no legal certainty and violated the principle of equal justice for all.</div>
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Moving faster than normal, the House of Representatives quickly initiated a review of its own, which will likely lead to a revision of the legislation to bring it into line with the ruling.</div>
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There are believed to be up to 15 million native faith adherents in Indonesia who, because they aren’t permitted to record their religion, have difficulty obtaining birth certificates, registering their marriage or otherwise qualifying for government services.</div>
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They are not the only Indonesians who have been discriminated against over the years. It was only in 2000 that ex<em style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">-tapol</em> (ET), or political prisoner, was removed from the ID cards of thousands of people mostly imprisoned without trial in the bloody aftermath of the fall of president Sukarno in the mid-1960s.</div>
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Those two letters condemned them and their families to a life of misery and unemployment. Even as late as 1995, a doctor was fired from the hospital she had worked at for 25 years after it was belatedly discovered her journalist husband was branded as ex-<em style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">tapol.</em></div>
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<img alt="An Acehnese woman gets whipped for spending time in close proximity with a man who is not her husband, which is against Sharia law in the city of Jantho, Aceh province on March 10, 2017. Indonesia's only province to impose sharia law caned Buddhists for the first time, after two men accused of cockfighting opted for punishment under the strict Islamic regulations. / AFP PHOTO / CHAIDEER MAHYUDDIN" class="lazy size-full wp-image-122975" height="2832" src="http://static.atimes.com/uploads/2017/04/Indonesia-Sharia-Law-March-2017.jpg" style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; height: auto; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px !important; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline; width: 540px;" title="" width="4256" /><div class="wp-caption-text" style="border-bottom-color: rgb(224, 224, 224); border-bottom-style: solid; border-image: initial; border-left-color: initial; border-left-style: initial; border-right-color: initial; border-right-style: initial; border-top-color: initial; border-top-style: initial; border-width: 0px 0px 1px; clear: both; color: #787878; float: left; font-family: "Soleil W01", helvetica, arial, sans-serif; font-size: 12px; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: 14px; margin: 0px; padding: 8px 0px; vertical-align: baseline; width: 540px;">
An Acehnese woman is whipped for spending time in close proximity with a man who is not her husband, a violation of Sharia law in the city of Jantho, Aceh province on March 10, 2017. Photo: AFP/Chaideer Mahyuddin</div>
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Despite the Constitutional Court ruling and a charter that specifically guarantees freedom of religion, minorities still face an uphill battle to preserve their rights in the face of the growing influence of conservative Islam.</div>
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Human Rights Watch (HRW), a lobby group, recently called on the government to scrap a Religious Affairs Ministry draft law on the “protection” of religious rights, which it says only reinforces existing regulations that discriminate against minorities.</div>
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The so-called Religious Rights Protection Bill enshrines both Indonesia’s blasphemy law, as well as existing decrees that impose restrictions on minorities seeking permits to build houses of worship.</div>
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It also lays down an excessively narrow criterion for a religion to receive state recognition and increases the powers of the misleadingly named Religious Harmony Forums (FKUB), formed under the Yudhoyono government when religious tolerance took a big backward step.</div>
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“The misnamed religious rights bill is nothing less than a repackaging of highly toxic regulations against religious minorities,” said senior HRW researcher Andreas Harsono. “The government should abolish discriminatory regulations, not collect them under a cynical veneer of ‘religious protections.’”</div>
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The government has sought to justify the law on the basis that existing regulations guaranteeing the protection of religious rights are neither sufficient nor applicable enough to the “changing landscape of society’s legal needs.”</div>
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<img alt="TO GO WITH AFP STORY INDONESIA-RELIGION-RIGHTS-ISLAM-AHMADIYAH, FOCUS BY ARLINA ARSHADThis picture taken on April 9, 2013 shows cleric of the Ahmadiyah Islamic sect, Rahmat Rahmadijaya, speaking through a door during an AFP interview at Al Misbah mosque in Bekasi. A group of minority Ahmadiyah Muslims in Indonesia have been holed up in a mosque since authorities shuttered it earlier this month, in a stand-off that starkly illustrates the growing religious intolerance sweeping the country. AFP PHOTO / ADEK BERRY / AFP PHOTO / ADEK BERRY" class="lazy size-full wp-image-131043" height="3919" src="http://static.atimes.com/uploads/2017/05/Indonesia-Ahmadiyah-Sect-April-9-2013.jpg" style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; height: auto; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px !important; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline; width: 540px;" title="" width="5889" /><div class="wp-caption-text" style="border-bottom-color: rgb(224, 224, 224); border-bottom-style: solid; border-image: initial; border-left-color: initial; border-left-style: initial; border-right-color: initial; border-right-style: initial; border-top-color: initial; border-top-style: initial; border-width: 0px 0px 1px; clear: both; color: #787878; float: left; font-family: "Soleil W01", helvetica, arial, sans-serif; font-size: 12px; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: 14px; margin: 0px; padding: 8px 0px; vertical-align: baseline; width: 540px;">
An Ahmadiyah Islamic sect cleric speaks through a locked door at the Al Misbah mosque in Bekasi, Indonesia. Photo: AFP/Adek Berry</div>
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But while religious minorities are already vulnerable to discrimination and what has become widespread official indifference to worsening intolerance by militant Islamists, the draft law is seen to compound rather than reduce those threats.</div>
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In particular it reinforces and expands the scope of Article 156a of the Indonesian criminal code, known as the blasphemy law, which punishes deviations from the central tenets of the six officially recognized religions with up to five years in prison.</div>
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The article was used earlier this year to prosecute and imprison ethnic Chinese Jakarta governor Basuki Purnama and a growing number of religious minorities and traditional religions, including three leaders of East Kalimantan’s beleaguered Gafatar community.</div>
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It also formed the legal basis for a June 2008 government decree that ordered adherents of the already bloodied Ahmadiyah Islamic sect to cease all religious activities on the grounds that they deviated from the principal teachings of Islam.<br /><span style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: 600; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span>In fact, the new bill expands the current criteria for a blasphemy offense from “showing hostility, abuse, or desecration” toward a religion to anyone who persuades others to convert from their original faith, who purposefully creates noise near a house of worship, or who destroys or defaces a holy book.</div>
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Moreover, Christians will find it more difficult to build churches in Muslim majority communities, with the law stipulating that official approval will be dependent on the “proportion in which adherents of a particular religion, which wants to set up the house of worship, is relative to their village’s total population.”</div>
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With the legislation still on Parliament’s schedule, and President Joko Widodo apparently unwilling to intercede with the 2019 presidential elections around the corner, it now remains to be seen whether Rami Kirani’s soaring tribute to her friend was merely a voice in the wilderness.</div>
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.com5tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5079583836622210732.post-32891440256981972532017-12-26T10:14:00.000+08:002017-12-26T10:14:30.244+08:00Why does Indonesia seem to prefer foreign aid from China?<header style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: "Fira Sans", Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: 13px;"><h1 style="font-family: "Fira Sans", "Trebuchet MS", Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: 24px; line-height: 24px; margin: 0px;">
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<b>By Pierre van der Eng, ANU</b></div>
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When Australia reduced its foreign aid to Indonesia by 40 per cent in 2015, Indonesia’s Foreign Ministry responded that ‘Indonesia … is no longer a country that needs aid for development’. At face value, this seems to be the case. Data released by the OECD’s Development Assistance Committee (DAC) in October 2017 shows that net foreign aid to Indonesia from DAC member countries and from multilateral aid agencies like the World Bank has decreased and even turned negative in some years.<span id="more-98723"></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 1.1em;">Foreign aid</span><span style="font-size: 1.1em;"> </span><a href="https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/DT.ODA.ALLD.CD?locations=ID" rel="noopener" style="color: #ca2027; font-size: 1.1em; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.05s ease-in;" target="_blank">peaked</a><span style="font-size: 1.1em;"> </span><span style="font-size: 1.1em;">at US$2.5 billion in 2005 after the 2004 Aceh tsunami. Since then, it decreased to negative US$483 million in 2014 and negative US$43 million in 2015. Indonesia continues to receive aid from traditional donors such as the United States, Japan and Australia, but its repayments of concessional loans from DAC countries have started to exceed new aid commitments from these countries.</span></div>
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Foreign aid was a key feature of Indonesia’s economic development during 1967–2003. Together with public revenues from oil and gas exports, it was one of the planks that sustained public expenditure and economic recovery in the face of the woes of the Sukarno regime in the early and mid-1960s.</div>
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Indonesia’s parliament passed legislation in 2003 and 2004 that required a reduction in foreign aid to a maximum of 3 per cent of the annual budget. Its purpose was to limit both dependence on foreign aid and the influence of foreign aid donors on Indonesia’s development policies. In 2007 the Indonesian government ended the Consultative Group on Indonesia, which was the international group of aid donors that had previously coordinated foreign aid to the country.</div>
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Increasing aid-related debt repayments meant that Indonesia’s concessionary interest rate debt decreased from US$62 billion in December 2011 to US$48 billion in June 2014, according to Bank Indonesia. Yet by September 2017, foreign debt has increased again to US$51 billion. What happened?</div>
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The answer is that Indonesia has accepted increasing amounts of foreign aid from non-DAC countries. In order for the Indonesian government to take advantage of non-DAC foreign aid (especially from China) while staying within the legal 3 per cent maximum contribution of foreign aid to Indonesia’s public budget, foreign aid from DAC countries apparently had to decrease to less than Indonesia’s repayments to DAC countries.</div>
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It has long remained unclear how much aid Indonesia received from China. China is not a DAC member and does not report to the DAC. Nor does it report on the foreign aid that it as grants or concessional loans. In October 2017, AidData, an institution associated with College of William and Mary in the United States, published a new database on China’s foreign aid 2000–14. It is based on public information, such as project announcements, press releases and press reports.</div>
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The definition of aid projects and programs in this database includes grants and concessional loans with low interest, long grace periods until first repayments are due and/or long repayment terms. Most arrive in recipient countries as concessional loans provided by China’s state-owned banks such as the Exim Bank of China, not as government-to-government grants.</div>
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Indonesia is not the largest recipient of Chinese aid. It received just 2.4 per cent of total Chinese aid during 2000–14. Still, this amounted to US$17 billion for 86 projects, or an average of US$2.5 billion in aid per year. This was about half of the total turnover generated by Chinese firms from completed contracted projects in Indonesia in 2015, according to the <em>Statistical Yearbook of China</em>.</div>
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China’s concessional loans help to explain why Indonesia’s foreign debt increased during 2015 and 2016, despite the government’s intention to reduce its dependence on foreign aid. What makes China’s foreign aid preferable to foreign aid from DAC countries?</div>
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At first glance, China’s aid to Indonesia does not seem very different from bilateral DAC aid and multilateral aid, which also largely consists of concessional loans. Where Chinese foreign aid differs is in its overwhelming direction towards <a href="http://www.eastasiaforum.org/2015/05/15/chinas-infrastructure-gambit-in-southeast-asia/" rel="noopener" style="color: #ca2027; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.05s ease-in;" target="_blank">infrastructure development projects</a>. By contrast, DAC countries and multilateral agencies also assist Indonesia to achieve its Millennium Development Goals with aid projects ranging from poverty alleviation to education and from capacity building in Indonesia’s public services to strengthening civil society.</div>
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This emphasis on infrastructure development is in line with what many consider to be China’s core competencies in aid delivery. In recent decades, Chinese companies have honed their experience through the rapid completion of major infrastructure projects. China’s aid to Indonesia has financed bridges, roads, power plants and a limited number of railway projects — all designed and constructed by Chinese firms. The only exceptions have been a slum project financed through the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, the establishment of Confucius Institutes at seven universities in Indonesia as well as scholarships for Indonesian students to study in China.</div>
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Alleviating Indonesia’s <a href="http://www.eastasiaforum.org/2015/06/10/how-to-solve-indonesias-infrastructure-crisis/" rel="noopener" style="color: #ca2027; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.05s ease-in;" target="_blank">significant infrastructure deficit</a> is certainly one of Jakarta’s key development priorities. But Indonesia could now face the dilemma of whether it can continue to limit the influence of aid donors on its development policies when the delivery of bilateral foreign aid for infrastructure depends increasingly on <a href="http://www.eastasiaforum.org/2017/05/18/mixed-messages-of-chinese-investment-in-indonesia/" rel="noopener" style="color: #ca2027; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.05s ease-in;" target="_blank">a single provider</a>.</div>
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<em>Pierre van der Eng is Associate Professor in International Business, The Australian National University.</em></div>
</section>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com9tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5079583836622210732.post-72208321042898726332017-12-01T16:49:00.001+08:002017-12-01T16:49:19.607+08:00Will Indonesia’s fugitive Speaker escape again? The elite’s war on the Anti-Corruption Commission continues.<h1 class="entry-title" style="background: rgb(255, 255, 255); border: 0px; clear: both; font-family: "Helvetica Neue", Arial, Helvetica, "Nimbus Sans L", sans-serif; font-size: 21px; line-height: 1.3em; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-align: center; vertical-align: baseline;">
By Prof. Tim Lindsey</h1>
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<strong style="background: transparent; border: 0px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"> </strong><em style="background: transparent; border: 0px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Indonesians have been riveted for the last two weeks by a bizarre series of events that finally led to the arrest late last week of Setya Novanto, the speaker of the DPR, Indonesia’s national legislature. </em><span id="more-13967" style="background: transparent; border: 0px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"></span></div>
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The saga began on the evening of 16 November when Novanto was booked into Jakarta’s Medika Permata Hijau hospital, claimed to be suffering concussion and vertigo after crashing his car into a utility pole.</div>
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Questions were raised when it emerged that Novanto had been named a fugitive by the national Anti-Corruption Commission (Komisi Pemberantas Korupsi, KPK). It soon became clear that there was little damage to the car or the pole, and even less evidence that Novanto had suffered any injury at all.</div>
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The episode was made all the more galling by the fact that it had happened before. About two months earlier, the Speaker repeatedly ignored KPK summons for questioning, claiming that been hospitalised for illness.</div>
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But he became a social media laughing stock when photos released to prove his dire medical condition showed he was connected to medical equipment that was not even plugged in. Novanto has since reported dozens of social media users to the police, and it seems likely they will face prosecution for memes of Novanto malingering that quickly went viral.</div>
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Netizens seem unfazed by this, however, and some were even inspired anew by Novanto’s recent car crash to pump out still more memes. Most are grouped under the hashtag #savetianglistrik (“#save the electricity pole”), and depict the pole being rushed to emergency or recovering in hospital. One social media user with too much time on his or her hands even created a smartphone game, the goal of which was to <a href="https://itunes.apple.com/au/app/save-tiang-listrik/id1315244050?mt=8" style="background: transparent; border: 0px; color: #743399; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">“collide with electricity poles to be admitted to the emergency department”.</a></div>
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The KPK finally said what most Indonesians already thought was the case: that Novanto had, in fact, staged the whole episode to avoid arrest for his alleged role in causing state losses of $225 million linked to a national electronic identity card scheme. This is a major national corruption scandal that has implicated at least 37 DPR legislators in addition to Novanto.</div>
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Novanto’s failure to answer a KPK summons for questioning about the ID card case on 15 November was at least the 11th time he had been a no-show and it was this that finally triggered the issue of a warrant for his arrest. Novanto obviously knew this was coming, because hours before the warrant was actually issued, he lodged a pre-trial application with the notorious South Jakarta District Court, challenging the KPK’s designation of him as a suspect.</div>
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Later that day, the KPK arrived at Novanto’s home to arrest him., but he was nowhere to be found. They declared him a fugitive the next day and Vice President Jusuf Kalla publicly called for Novanto to turn himself in. It was later that evening that Novanto’s car gently bumped into the utility pole (leaving a small fender dent, without the airbags inflating or the headlights cracking), and his driver took him to the hospital.</div>
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By 17 November, Novanto had been moved to another hospital, RS Cipto Mangkusomo, where he underwent tests. By 18 November, however, the game was up, with the medical director announcing that Novanto did not require hospitalisation. The KPK finally hauled him off to its cells in Jakarta’s Cipinang Prison.</div>
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But this may not be the end of the famously slippery Novanto, a powerful politician who as well as being Speaker is also chair of Golkar, the political party originally established by President Soeharto, and now the second largest party in the country.</div>
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For years, Novanto has repeatedly beaten allegations of criminal behaviour, with seemingly few scruples about how he does it. The pre-trial application he lodged before his car hit the pole may be his way out of this particular mess. Certainly it is a method he has used before.</div>
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In late September this year, the South Jakarta District Court upheld an earlier pre-trial application by Novanto, striking down the first declaration by the KPK that he was a suspect in the ID card case. This decision was highly controversial at the time and many suspected that Novanto had somehow been able to influence the court.</div>
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Pre-trial hearings were originally intended only to allow the validity of arrest or detention before trial. In 2015, however, the courts re-interpreted the law to allow pre-trial hearings to also decide whether a person had been validly designated a suspect. Since then, they have become an effective way for corruption suspects like Novanto to stymie investigations at an early stage.</div>
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That is not enough to stop the KPK, however. Supreme Court and Constitutional Court rulings allow it to re-designate a person a suspect if sufficient evidence exists, and this is what the KPK has now done.</div>
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Novanto will obviously be hoping for another decision in his favour when his latest pre-trial application is heard on 30 November. But to do that, he has to prevent his trial for corruption actually beginning by then, because once that happens, the pre-trial process falls away. This may be why he is reportedly delaying KPK investigators by repeatedly “falling asleep” during questioning, making it very difficult for them to get answers from him.</div>
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And just as insurance, he has also reported the head of the KPK to the police for forgery and filed a challenge with the Constitutional Court calling on it to strike out the statute establishing the KPK.</div>
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This absurd chain of events should be pure comedy, but unfortunately it has a very dark side. It is just the latest skirmish in the long war between Indonesia’s political elite and the skilful and courageous investigators linked to the KPK.</div>
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One of the few things most of Indonesia’s divided and fractious politicians and senior public servants agree on is that they loathe and fear the KPK. They have made repeated efforts to pass laws to close it down or strip it of its powers, and are often effective in using legal mechanisms and pliant judges to halt investigations. Senior staff have been framed with corruption charges and one investigator was even partially blinded in an acid attack.</div>
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In fact, the only thing standing between the KPK and oblivion is its huge public popularity. With Indonesia’s deeply institutionalised corruption a daily problem for ordinary citizens, and an election pending in 2019, President Joko Widodo and his advisors know that his support would be badly eroded if the KPK went under on his watch.</div>
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But that is not something that bothers Indonesia’s Houdini, Setya Novanto, one little bit.</div>
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<b><i><span style="background: transparent; border: 0px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Professor Tim Lindsey is </span><span style="background: transparent; border: 0px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">director of the Centre for Indonesian Law, Islam and Society </span><span style="background: transparent; border: 0px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">at the University of Melbourne. </span></i></b></div>
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<b><i><span style="background: transparent; border: 0px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">(This article was originally published by John Menadue on 28th November 2017)</span></i></b></div>
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.com9tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5079583836622210732.post-67027354358560443962017-12-01T16:45:00.002+08:002017-12-01T16:45:41.870+08:00Mt Agung eruption: Deeper significance for Balinese.<br />
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<b>By Graeme MacRae</b></div>
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According to international media coverage, the main problem with<span> </span><a href="http://media.bom.gov.au/releases/398/volcanic-ash-update-for-mount-agung/" style="color: #557585; outline: none; text-decoration: underline; white-space: pre-wrap; word-wrap: break-word;">Gunung Agung’s eruption </a><span> </span>is that the airport is closed and tourists cannot get in or out.</div>
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The people of East Bali are largely invisible in these reports, but they too are worried about getting home. While they are well<span> </span><a href="http://www.newmandala.org/fragile-paradise-bali-volcanic-threats-region/" style="color: #557585; outline: none; text-decoration: underline; white-space: pre-wrap; word-wrap: break-word;">aware of the physical danger</a>, for them, the mountain also represents spiritual elevation and power. It embodies a god and its rumbles are a sign of the god’s displeasure.</div>
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While Balinese are nominally Hindu, their most immediate spiritual relationships are with their ancestors and a host of other invisible beings related to the landscape and forces of nature.</div>
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<em style="background: transparent; border: 0px; font-size: 16px; font-style: italic; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><strong style="background: transparent; border: 0px; font-size: 16px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Read more:</strong><span> </span><a href="https://theconversation.com/experiments-in-robotics-could-help-amazon-beat-australias-slow-delivery-problem-87598" style="color: #557585; outline: none; text-decoration: underline; white-space: pre-wrap; word-wrap: break-word;">Experiments in robotics could help Amazon beat Australia’s slow delivery problem</a></em></div>
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Moving out of harm’s way</h2>
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A month ago, people close to Mt Agung were<span> </span><a href="http://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-42143274" style="color: #557585; outline: none; text-decoration: underline; white-space: pre-wrap; word-wrap: break-word;">told to evacuate</a>, but they gradually drifted back to their homes and livelihoods. Now, they can see the glow of lava reflected in the night sky and local rivers running grey with cold<span> </span><a href="https://volcanoes.usgs.gov/vhp/lahars.html" style="color: #557585; outline: none; text-decoration: underline; white-space: pre-wrap; word-wrap: break-word;">lahar</a><span> </span>– all signs reminiscent of the last eruption in 1963.</div>
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The alert has been raised back to the highest level of 4 and a 10km evacuation zone has been re-established around the crater,<span> </span><a href="http://www.abc.net.au/news/2017-11-28/bali-volcano-eruptions-will-see-150000-people-evacuate/9199710" style="color: #557585; outline: none; text-decoration: underline; white-space: pre-wrap; word-wrap: break-word;">affecting about 150,000 people</a>.</div>
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Nobody wants to evacuate. It means abandoning homes, crops, animals and livelihoods, for an unknown time and an uncertain future. But people are doing it not just because the government is telling them to, but also because of what happened last time.</div>
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The volcano and the god it embodies feature in most stories about the origins of Balinese culture, religion and political order. While not many people remember Mt Agung’s last eruption, there are stories and physical traces in the form of deep lava fields and the fertility of soils that have maintained some of the most productive rice fields in the world for at least a millennium.</div>
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<em style="background: transparent; border: 0px; font-size: 16px; font-style: italic; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><strong style="background: transparent; border: 0px; font-size: 16px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Read more:</strong><span> </span><a href="http://theconversation.com/how-mount-agungs-eruption-can-create-the-worlds-most-fertile-soil-85134" style="color: #557585; outline: none; text-decoration: underline; white-space: pre-wrap; word-wrap: break-word;">How Mount Agung’s eruption can create the world’s most fertile soil</a></em></div>
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The wrath of the great mountain</h2>
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Gunung Agung means “great mountain”. It is the tallest of a cluster of volcanoes across the island, part of a much longer chain that extends through Java to the west and Lombok to the east. Thousands of people live on its slopes, tens of thousands around the foot of it and hundreds of thousands within the zone of previous lava flows and ash falls.</div>
<figure class="align-center " style="background: transparent; border: 0px; display: block; font-size: 16px; margin: 0px 0px 18px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; position: relative; vertical-align: baseline;"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/196820/original/file-20171128-28856-w27owq.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" style="background: transparent; border: 0px; display: block; font-size: 16px; margin: 0px; max-width: 100%; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; width: 600px;" /><figcaption style="background: transparent; border: 0px; color: #727272; cursor: default; display: block; font-family: "Helvetica Neue", Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 11px; line-height: 18px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 6px 0px 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="caption" style="background: transparent; border: 0px; font-size: 11px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Lahar from Mount Agung flowing down the Yeh Sah River.</span><span> </span><span class="attribution" style="background: transparent; border: 0px; color: #cccccc; font-size: 11px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="source" style="background: transparent; border: 0px; font-size: 11px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">AAP Image/NEWZULU/Muhammad Fauzy Chaniago</span>,<span> </span><a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nd/4.0/" style="color: #cccccc; display: inline; font-weight: 400 !important; max-width: 100%; outline: none; text-decoration: none; white-space: pre-wrap; word-wrap: break-word;">CC BY-ND</a></span></figcaption></figure><div style="background: transparent; border: 0px; font-size: 16px; margin: 0px 0px 18px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">
Mount Agung is what geologists call a<span> </span><a href="https://theconversation.com/mount-agung-continues-to-rumble-with-warnings-the-volcano-could-still-erupt-85825" style="color: #557585; outline: none; text-decoration: underline; white-space: pre-wrap; word-wrap: break-word;">stratovolcano</a>. They do not erupt often but when they do it is usually in violent explosions. They often create lethal combinations: rains of heated rock and ash, poisonous gases, and massive, fast moving flows of lava supercharged with gases and other materials (known as pyroclastic flows).</div>
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These kill, destroy and bury. Vesuvius in Italy (79 AD and 1631), Tambora (1815) and Krakatoa (1883) in Indonesia and Mt Tarawera in New Zealand (1886) are famous examples. Pinatubo in the Philippines (1991) was the<span> </span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_known_large_volcanic_eruptions" style="color: #557585; outline: none; text-decoration: underline; white-space: pre-wrap; word-wrap: break-word;">biggest of the 20th century</a><span> </span>but Agung’s 1963 explosion was not far behind. It killed many more people.</div>
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The official Agung<span> </span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_volcanic_eruptions_by_death_toll" style="color: #557585; outline: none; text-decoration: underline; white-space: pre-wrap; word-wrap: break-word;">death toll</a><span> </span>in 1963 was around 1500, but the reality was more like 2000. Most were killed by pyroclastic flows, which buried whole valleys and villages. Some people fled but others saw the eruption as the work of the gods and stayed and prayed as the lava advanced. Some survived, most did not.</div>
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Anna Mathew’s little known book<span> </span><a href="https://www.amazon.com/Night-Purnama-Oxford-Asia-Paperbacks/dp/0195825829" style="color: #557585; outline: none; text-decoration: underline; white-space: pre-wrap; word-wrap: break-word;">The Night of Purnama</a>, observed and written from a village high on the slopes, tells of a build-up eerily similar to what is happening now, culminating in a series of massive eruptions with a catastrophic aftermath. The falling ash destroyed crops across the eastern half of the island. Widespread hunger and dislocation followed. People ate the trunks of banana trees to survive and young men took to the roads in search of work and food.</div>
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Mt Agung’s last eruption</h2>
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Indonesia in 1963 was not a happy place. After 16 years of independence, it had serious economic problems, fragile food security and growing<span> </span><a href="http://anzacportal.dva.gov.au/history/conflicts/australian-involvement-south-east-asian-conflicts/indonesian-confrontation-1963" style="color: #557585; outline: none; text-decoration: underline; white-space: pre-wrap; word-wrap: break-word;">political instability</a>.<span> </span><a href="https://www.britannica.com/biography/Sukarno" style="color: #557585; outline: none; text-decoration: underline; white-space: pre-wrap; word-wrap: break-word;">Sukarno</a>, the first president, retained a<span> </span><a href="https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/671027.A_History_of_Modern_Indonesia" style="color: #557585; outline: none; text-decoration: underline; white-space: pre-wrap; word-wrap: break-word;">fragile grip on power</a>, but was threatened by the growing strength of a huge communist party, asserting the rights of landless farmers and sharecroppers.</div>
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The previous year a plague of rats had decimated the rice crop, proving that the gods were offended and more disasters would follow. Religious leaders and scholars debated whether the time had come for the Eka Dasa Rudra, the greatest<span> </span><a href="https://books.google.co.nz/books/about/Pura_Besakih.html?id=vbxwAAAAMAAJ&redir_esc=y" style="color: #557585; outline: none; text-decoration: underline; white-space: pre-wrap; word-wrap: break-word;">island-wide ritual of purification</a><span> </span>and re-establishment of order. It is normally held at the turn of a (Balinese) century but may also be held in times of crisis to avert greater disasters.</div>
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Meanwhile Sukarno was casting around for sources of foreign exchange, and eyeing the lucrative growth of tourism in countries such as Thailand. He decided to promote tourism, with the dazzling religious and artistic culture of Bali as its centrepiece. He invited the<span> </span><a href="https://www.pata.org/" style="color: #557585; outline: none; text-decoration: underline; white-space: pre-wrap; word-wrap: break-word;">Pacific Asia Travel Association</a><span> </span>to hold their convention in Bali and timed it to coincide with the Eka Dasa Rudra.</div>
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The ceremony is held at<span> </span><a href="https://books.google.co.nz/books/about/Pura_Besakih.html?id=vbxwAAAAMAAJ&redir_esc=y" style="color: #557585; outline: none; text-decoration: underline; white-space: pre-wrap; word-wrap: break-word;">Besakih</a>, a major temple of island-wide significance perched high on the southern slope of Gunung Agung. During the preparations the mountain began doing what it is doing now. The previous eruption had been 120 years earlier, so there were no living memories to go by. Balinese leaders interpreted this as a warning from the gods that something was wrong. They called for postponement, but were overruled.</div>
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The ceremony began amid smoke and falling ash. As it proceeded, the real eruption began, blasting molten rock high into the air and pouring lava down its sides. Besakih survived, but the<span> </span><a href="https://books.google.co.nz/books/about/Bali.html?id=MJYMAQAAMAAJ&redir_esc=y" style="color: #557585; outline: none; text-decoration: underline; white-space: pre-wrap; word-wrap: break-word;">ceremonial gateway built to honour Sukarno was the first casualty of the gods’ displeasure</a>. The catastrophic outcome and aftermath were seen as clear evidence of Sukarno’s loss of favour with the gods. He was deposed<span> </span><a href="https://www.britannica.com/biography/Sukarno" style="color: #557585; outline: none; text-decoration: underline; white-space: pre-wrap; word-wrap: break-word;">two years later</a>.</div>
<figure class="align-center " style="background: transparent; border: 0px; display: block; font-size: 16px; margin: 0px 0px 18px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; position: relative; vertical-align: baseline;"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/196821/original/file-20171128-28849-1va4gfs.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" style="background: transparent; border: 0px; display: block; font-size: 16px; margin: 0px; max-width: 100%; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; width: 600px;" /><figcaption style="background: transparent; border: 0px; color: #727272; cursor: default; display: block; font-family: "Helvetica Neue", Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 11px; line-height: 18px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 6px 0px 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="caption" style="background: transparent; border: 0px; font-size: 11px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Mount Agung spewing hot volcanic ash as high as three kilometers into the atmosphere.</span><span> </span><span class="attribution" style="background: transparent; border: 0px; color: #cccccc; font-size: 11px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="source" style="background: transparent; border: 0px; font-size: 11px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">EPA/MADE NAGI</span>,<span> </span><a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nd/4.0/" style="color: #cccccc; display: inline; font-weight: 400 !important; max-width: 100%; outline: none; text-decoration: none; white-space: pre-wrap; word-wrap: break-word;">CC BY-ND</a></span></figcaption></figure><h2 style="background: transparent; border: 0px; font-size: 23px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px 0px 12px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizeLegibility; vertical-align: baseline;">
Ritual response</h2>
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Since 1963, population and density in Indonesia have<span> </span><a href="http://www.worldometers.info/world-population/indonesia-population/" style="color: #557585; outline: none; text-decoration: underline; white-space: pre-wrap; word-wrap: break-word;">more than doubled</a>. More people live on the slopes of the mountain and higher up. On the other hand, most people are less dependent on local subsistence crops and infrastructure for delivery of food relief. Escape has also improved enormously. Likewise the evacuations should reduce the immediate impact on life and health.</div>
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If this eruption continues to follow the pattern of 1963, the consequences for tourism, agriculture and livelihoods in general are likely to be greater than those of the<span> </span><a href="http://time.com/4180220/indonesia-terrorist-attacks-history-jakarta/" style="color: #557585; outline: none; text-decoration: underline; white-space: pre-wrap; word-wrap: break-word;">terrorist bombs</a><span> </span>in 2002 and 2005. Most Balinese will agree that it is the doing of the gods, but there will be different interpretations of their reasons, ranging from violations of the sacred mountain by tourists and sand mining, to broader reflections on the direction of development and its social and environmental consequences.</div>
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But the solution will be the same as after the bombs -<span> </span><a href="https://books.google.co.nz/books?hl=en&lr=&id=H0PXkzgcdRQC&oi=fnd&pg=PA99&dq=bali+bomb+ritual&ots=m2VC21T9fS&sig=pNImz429cFTi2mf7xSSl7GW_9uU#v=onepage&q=bali%20bomb%20ritual&f=false" style="color: #557585; outline: none; text-decoration: underline; white-space: pre-wrap; word-wrap: break-word;">ritual</a>, bigger and better than ever, which will address the supernatural causes and attract the tourists back at the same time.</div>
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If the big eruption doesn’t happen, the ash clouds will drift away, the planes will fly again, everyone will return to business as usual. It will all be forgotten, along with the evacuees, until next time.</div>
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<b><i>This article originally appeared in The Conversation on 30 November 2017</i></b></div>
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.com4tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5079583836622210732.post-42492988718973241642017-12-01T16:36:00.000+08:002017-12-01T16:36:05.325+08:00Indonesia’s development dilemmas – a green info gap and budget pressure<div class="td-post-header" style="box-sizing: border-box;">
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By <a href="https://asiapacificreport.nz/author/david-robie/" itemprop="author" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: black; margin-right: 3px; text-decoration-line: none;">David Robie</a> -</div>
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<time class="entry-date updated td-module-date" datetime="2017-11-15T01:06:58+00:00" itemprop="dateCreated" style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: Georgia, Times, "Times New Roman", serif;">November 15, 2017</time></div>
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<em style="box-sizing: border-box;"><b>Crucial to how Indonesia’s news outlets cover the environment – and its destruction – is the ownership and vested interests of the media landscape. Video: <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PGmkV_Jvq6E" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: #003a61; text-decoration-line: none;">Al Jazeera</a></b></em></div>
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In May, President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo of Indonesia raised eyebrows across the archipelago when he inspected the Trans-Papua highway while trail blazing with a motorbike.</div>
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<em style="box-sizing: border-box;">Tempo</em> magazine, Indonesia’s most authoritative news magazine, remarked that he did this while “wearing only a thick jacket without a bullet proof vest”. Mentioning this lack of a flack jacket was tacit acknowledgement of the uncertain situation given an exponential rise of <a href="https://asiapacificreport.nz/2017/10/08/west-papua-petition-caused-a-stir-these-are-responses-from-papua/" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: #003a61; text-decoration-line: none;">pro-independence sentiment</a> in Indonesia’s two most eastern-most provinces of Papua and West Papua.</div>
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But Jokowi’s unconventional style of launching infrastructure projects didn’t just end there. Earlier this month he cruised along in a four-wheel drive vehicle on the recently completed Becakayu toll road, which had been languishing uncompleted for 18 years until his presidency gave the project a hurry up.</div>
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Last month, while giving a <a href="http://www.infrastructureasiaonline.com/government/president-jokowi-explains-importance-indonesia-infrastructure-development" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: #003a61; text-decoration-line: none;">speech at Diponegoro University’s 60th Dies Natalis</a> in Semarang, Central Java, Jokowi declared that infrastructure development was vitally important for the future in Indonesia. He wanted the country to become more competitive than its neighbours, such as Malaysia and Singapore.</div>
<figure class="wp-caption alignnone" id="attachment_25438" style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; max-width: 680px; text-align: center;"><img alt="" class="wp-image-25438 size-full td-animation-stack-type0-1" height="571" sizes="(max-width: 680px) 100vw, 680px" src="https://asiapacificreport.nz/wp-content/uploads/2017/11/President-Jokowi-on-Trans-Papua-Highway-Pres-Office-680wide.png" srcset="https://asiapacificreport.nz/wp-content/uploads/2017/11/President-Jokowi-on-Trans-Papua-Highway-Pres-Office-680wide.png 680w, https://asiapacificreport.nz/wp-content/uploads/2017/11/President-Jokowi-on-Trans-Papua-Highway-Pres-Office-680wide-300x252.png 300w, https://asiapacificreport.nz/wp-content/uploads/2017/11/President-Jokowi-on-Trans-Papua-Highway-Pres-Office-680wide-500x420.png 500w" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; display: block; height: auto; margin-bottom: 0px; max-width: 100%; width: 696px;" width="680" /><figcaption class="wp-caption-text" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #444444; font-size: 11px; font-style: italic; line-height: 17px; margin: 6px 0px 26px; text-align: left;">President Jokowi Widodo checking out progress on the Trans-Papua Highway in May. Image: Repub of Indonesia</figcaption></figure><div style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 26px; margin-bottom: 26px;">
“Why is our infrastructure being built?,” he asked rhetorically about the rapid pace and emphasis that he and Vice-President Jusuf Kalla have given the strategy – a marked contrast with other presidencies.</div>
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“The answer is that we want our competiveness to be better than other countries. Our global competiveness must be improved,” he said. “This year is pretty good as we have soared from 41st to 36th among 137 countries.”</div>
<figure class="wp-caption alignright" id="attachment_25439" style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; float: right; margin: 6px 0px 0px 24px; max-width: 200px; text-align: center;"><a href="https://magz.tempo.co/2017/11/06/1209" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: #003a61; text-decoration-line: none;"><img alt="" class="wp-image-25439 td-animation-stack-type0-1" height="260" src="https://asiapacificreport.nz/wp-content/uploads/2017/11/Tempo-cover-Nov6-13.png" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; display: block; height: auto; margin-bottom: 0px; max-width: 100%;" width="200" /></a><figcaption class="wp-caption-text" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #444444; font-size: 11px; font-style: italic; line-height: 17px; margin: 6px 0px 26px; text-align: left;">Tempo magazine: “Infrastructure projects: The devil in the details.”</figcaption></figure><div style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 26px; margin-bottom: 26px;">
The latest edition of <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">Tempo</em> magazine has devoted <a href="https://magz.tempo.co/2017/11/06/1209" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: #003a61; text-decoration-line: none;">38 pages to its cover story on infrastructure projects</a>, headlining the fairly comprehensive report “Devil in the details”.</div>
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<strong style="box-sizing: border-box;">Few environmental reports</strong><br style="box-sizing: border-box;" />But absent from the range of quality articles was any serious report on the state of the environment in Indonesia — or environmental journalism, given that 2000 of the country’s 17,000 islands and 42 million households in a population of 261 million are at risk of “drowning” by 2050, according to a <a href="http://www.aljazeera.com/programmes/listeningpost/2017/11/indonesia-green-information-gap-171111115800754.html" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: #003a61; text-decoration-line: none;"><em style="box-sizing: border-box;">Listening Post</em> report</a> on Al Jazeera last month.</div>
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As Al Jazeera reported, “when you look at the [Indonesian] mainstream media, it is hard to find stories that go beyond catastrophes like forest fires or mudslides, examining who and what is behind them.”</div>
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A leading environmental journalism advocate has blamed lack of climate change and environmental reporting skills in Indonesian newsrooms for the lack of coverage.</div>
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“It is easier for journalists to cover sports or the economy, because they have scores and numbers,” Harry Surjadi, head of the Indonesian Society of Environmental Journalists, told <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">Listening Post</em>. “Those stories are much easier to write than environmental stories, where journalists have to understand biology, ecology, waste and chemistry.”</div>
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Nevertheless, Jokowi was praised by <a href="http://www.thejakartapost.com/academia/2017/10/19/editorial-jokowi-grows-on-the-job.html" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: #003a61; text-decoration-line: none;"><em style="box-sizing: border-box;">The Jakarta Post</em></a> in a recent editorial for both his <a href="https://thediplomat.com/2017/05/solving-indonesias-infrastructure-gap/" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: #003a61; text-decoration-line: none;">development policies</a> and his concern for the poor of the country with his popularity climbing.</div>
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“His overwhelming attention to the basic needs of the people has made him rather obsessive with the objective of keeping the prices of food and other basic necessities stable, thereby keeping inflation below 4 percent,” the <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">Post</em> noted.</div>
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However, in its special development edition, <a href="https://magz.tempo.co/2017/11/06/1209" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: #003a61; text-decoration-line: none;"><em style="box-sizing: border-box;">Tempo</em></a> said in an editorial that the Widodo administration was “racing against time” after three years in government to complete its raft of planned infrastructure projects costing an estimated RP4,197 trillion (NZ$415 billion) between 2014 and 2019.</div>
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Many ambitious projects with an emphasis on developing the regions, especially eastern Indonesia — including Papua, are being worked on at the same time.</div>
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<strong style="box-sizing: border-box;">Projects’ sustainability</strong><br style="box-sizing: border-box;" />“All these activities spark public excitement, but also raise questions about the projects’ sustainability,” the magazine said.</div>
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“Jokowi’s choice to develop infrastructure is certainly not misplaced. Several studies show that infrastructure development in Indonesia was relatively backward in comparison with neighbours. Even worse: previous administrations spent more on fuel subsidies compared to physical construction,” <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">Tempo</em> commented.</div>
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In his Semarang speech, Jokowi said: “Why must we build? Because our country is an archipelago state, the marine foundation base is a must. Airport development was equally important as many islands could not be serviced by ship.</div>
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“So, on the remote islands of Natuna, Miangas, we are building an airport. This is just one example because we are building lots of small airports,” Jokowi added.</div>
<figure class="wp-caption alignnone" id="attachment_25457" style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; max-width: 680px; text-align: center;"><img alt="" class="wp-image-25457 size-full td-animation-stack-type0-1" height="382" sizes="(max-width: 680px) 100vw, 680px" src="https://asiapacificreport.nz/wp-content/uploads/2017/11/bandara-miangas-airport-Tribun-News.jpg" srcset="https://asiapacificreport.nz/wp-content/uploads/2017/11/bandara-miangas-airport-Tribun-News.jpg 680w, https://asiapacificreport.nz/wp-content/uploads/2017/11/bandara-miangas-airport-Tribun-News-300x169.jpg 300w" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; display: block; height: auto; margin-bottom: 0px; max-width: 100%; width: 696px;" width="680" /><figcaption class="wp-caption-text" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #444444; font-size: 11px; font-style: italic; line-height: 17px; margin: 6px 0px 26px; text-align: left;">Natuna, Miangas … a new airport typical of remote location developments. Image: Tribun News</figcaption></figure><div style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 26px; margin-bottom: 26px;">
<em style="box-sizing: border-box;">Tempo</em> seemed to agree with this view by stating in its editorial: “In order to reach a healthy and growing economy, Indonesia needs new roads, bridges, power stations, airports and ports. This in turn requires massive funding.”</div>
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Some 42 percent of the required funding — the budget from the 2017 year has been almost tripled from RP177 trillion in Jokowi’s first year in office in 2014 to RP 4011 trillion this year — depends on allocations from the state budget, the magazine noted, plus money from state-owned businesses and private partnerships.</div>
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<em style="box-sizing: border-box;">Tempo</em> praised Jokowi for cutting back on energy subsidies, saying this was the right move to make – especially over fuel costs.</div>
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<strong style="box-sizing: border-box;">Sounding a warning</strong><br style="box-sizing: border-box;" />While also complimenting Jokowi on the boost for several jumbo projects that had stalled in recent years to ensure they get completed, <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">Tempo</em> also sounded a warning.</div>
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“Jokowi is racing against time. Infrastructure construction generally takes a while, and its economic benefits are only felt three to five years after construction begins: a time span which does not align with our five-year political cycle,” the magazine said.</div>
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“The government should avoid giving the impression that it is impatient to reap its rewards from the projects, especially once the cycle of political succession comes around. Good governance must not be abused for the sake of earning points for the next general elections [in 2019].”</div>
<figure class="wp-caption alignnone" id="attachment_25434" style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; max-width: 680px; text-align: center;"><img alt="" class="wp-image-25434 size-full td-animation-stack-type0-1" height="383" src="https://asiapacificreport.nz/wp-content/uploads/2017/11/maxresdefault-4-e1510659544908.jpg" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; display: block; height: auto; margin-bottom: 0px; max-width: 100%; width: 696px;" width="680" /><figcaption class="wp-caption-text" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #444444; font-size: 11px; font-style: italic; line-height: 17px; margin: 6px 0px 26px; text-align: left;">Infrastructure development in Indonesia is a “matter of equality and justice” across the nation, says President Widodo. Image: Al Jazeera</figcaption></figure><div style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 26px; margin-bottom: 26px;">
<strong style="box-sizing: border-box;">Infrastructure highlights:</strong><strong style="box-sizing: border-box;">National:</strong> RP1,320 trillion (two programmes and 12 projects).</div>
<div style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 26px; margin-bottom: 26px;">
<strong style="box-sizing: border-box;">Bali and Nus Tenggara:</strong> RP11 trillion (15 projects, including the North Timor border crossing and supporting facilities).</div>
<div style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 26px; margin-bottom: 26px;">
<strong style="box-sizing: border-box;">Java Island:</strong> RP1,065 trillion (903 projects, including the 81km Serang-Panimbang toll road, MRT underground in Jakarta and public trains/railway).</div>
<div style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 26px; margin-bottom: 26px;">
<strong style="box-sizing: border-box;">Kalimantan:</strong> RP564 trillion (24 projects, including border crossings and facilities and the Serang-Balikpapan-Samarinda toll road).</div>
<div style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 26px; margin-bottom: 26px;">
<strong style="box-sizing: border-box;">Maluku and Papua:</strong> RP444 trillion (13 projects, including development of the Tangguh Train 3 LNG plant and the Palapa ring broadband).</div>
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<strong style="box-sizing: border-box;">Sulawesi:</strong> RP155 trillion (27 projects, including the Manado-Bitung toll road).</div>
<div style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 26px; margin-bottom: 26px;">
<strong style="box-sizing: border-box;">Sumatra:</strong> RP638 trillion (61 projects, including five sections of the Trans-Sumatra toll road).</div>
<figure class="wp-caption alignnone" id="attachment_25441" style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; max-width: 680px; text-align: center;"><img alt="" class="size-full wp-image-25441 td-animation-stack-type0-1" height="288" src="https://asiapacificreport.nz/wp-content/uploads/2017/11/Jakarta-MRT-RepubIndonesia-e1510658975751.png" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; display: block; height: auto; margin-bottom: 0px; max-width: 100%; width: 696px;" width="680" /><figcaption class="wp-caption-text" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #444444; font-size: 11px; font-style: italic; line-height: 17px; margin: 6px 0px 26px; text-align: left;">The Jakarta MRT … among the infrastructure projects. Image: Repub of Indonesia</figcaption></figure><div style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 26px; margin-bottom: 26px;">
According to a breakdown chart published by <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">Tempo</em>, partnerships with private companies would provide more than half the projected budget – 57.5 percent, with SOEs providing 30 percent and the balance of 12.5 percent from the state budget.</div>
<div style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 26px; margin-bottom: 26px;">
In a four-page interview with the magazine, <a href="https://en.tempo.co/read/news/2017/11/07/241913020/President-Joko-Widodo-I-Have-Calculated-All-Risks" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: #003a61; text-decoration-line: none;">Jokowi said</a> that after touring across the country, from Sabang to Merauke, “I saw for myself how grave the inequality was”, and he was convinced that an expanded infrastructure would help reduce the gap.</div>
<div style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 26px; margin-bottom: 26px;">
“This is a matter of equality and justice. Besides, our infrastructure development has lagged far behind our neighbours,” he said.</div>
<div style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 26px; margin-bottom: 26px;">
“Infrastructure is a foundation for tackling the problem of inequality. If we want it easy, we just have to allocate the budget for subsidies and increased social assistance, so purchasing power will increase and the public is happy.</div>
<div style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 26px; margin-bottom: 26px;">
“But do we want to continue this kind of strategy? I took the risk by not resorting to this kind of political move, and instead diverted resources to infrastructure development.”</div>
<div style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 26px; margin-bottom: 26px;">
Yet surprisingly nothing in this otherwise comprehensive report addressed climate change and environmental issues, a critical component of sustainable development in Indonesia.</div>
<figure class="wp-caption alignnone" id="attachment_25443" style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; max-width: 680px; text-align: center;"><img alt="" class="size-full wp-image-25443 td-animation-stack-type0-1" height="438" sizes="(max-width: 680px) 100vw, 680px" src="https://asiapacificreport.nz/wp-content/uploads/2017/11/Indonesian-forest-fires.png" srcset="https://asiapacificreport.nz/wp-content/uploads/2017/11/Indonesian-forest-fires.png 680w, https://asiapacificreport.nz/wp-content/uploads/2017/11/Indonesian-forest-fires-300x193.png 300w, https://asiapacificreport.nz/wp-content/uploads/2017/11/Indonesian-forest-fires-652x420.png 652w" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; display: block; height: auto; margin-bottom: 0px; max-width: 100%; width: 696px;" width="680" /><figcaption class="wp-caption-text" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #444444; font-size: 11px; font-style: italic; line-height: 17px; margin: 6px 0px 26px; text-align: left;">Devastating forest fires in Indonesia in 2015 were caused by a massive burn-off for palm oil plantations. Image: Al Jazeera</figcaption></figure><div style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 26px; margin-bottom: 26px;">
<strong style="box-sizing: border-box;">Forest fire devastation</strong><br style="box-sizing: border-box;" />Al Jazeera’s <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">Listening Post</em> report stressed how in 2015 <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/sustainable-business/2015/nov/11/indonesia-forest-fires-explained-haze-palm-oil-timber-burning" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: #003a61; text-decoration-line: none;">huge fires swept through Indonesia’s rainforests</a>. About 2.6 million hectares of forest was set ablaze to make way for palm oil plantations.</div>
<div style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 26px; margin-bottom: 26px;">
“The fires produced – in just three weeks – more greenhouse gases than Germany does in an entire year,” <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">Listening Post</em> said.</div>
<div style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 26px; margin-bottom: 26px;">
“Forest fires have become an annual occurrence in Indonesia, and still, the country’s media seldom devote the column centimetres and airtime needed to explore the causes behind them.”</div>
<div style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 26px; margin-bottom: 26px;">
Merah Ismail, campaign manager for the mining advocacy network JATAM, was quoted as saying: “When [the media] do cover forest fires or the effects of mining, they leave out “subjects like ‘water poisoned due to toxic waste or air pollution’ because they don’t know enough about those subjects”.</div>
<div style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 26px; margin-bottom: 26px;">
While Jokowi had announced in September 2015 that Indonesia would cut the growth of greenhouse gas emissions by 29 percent by 2030, the nation’s news media have reported little on the progress, or lack of it, over this pledge — even with global debate on climate change at <a href="https://cop23.com.fj/" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: #003a61; text-decoration-line: none;">COP23 ongoing in Bonn this month</a>.</div>
<div style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 26px; margin-bottom: 26px;">
With little media exposure or debate, the issue of the future of the rainforests has been framed as a tough choice – between the economy and the environment.</div>
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.com4tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5079583836622210732.post-7019368849028952082017-12-01T16:25:00.001+08:002017-12-01T16:25:15.891+08:00Unpacking Indonesia’s civil–military relations under Jokowi.<header style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; color: #272727; font-family: source-sans-pro, sans-serif; font-size: 16px; margin-bottom: 30px;"><div class="entry-title" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #b00736; font-size: 2.75rem; line-height: 1; margin: 0px 0px 20px; padding: 0px;">
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31 Oct 2017<span class="divider" style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px 8px;">|</span><a class="author url fn" href="https://www.aspistrategist.org.au/author/evan-laksmana/" rel="author" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: #777777; font-weight: 600; line-height: inherit; text-decoration-line: none;" title="Posts by Evan Laksmana">Evan Laksmana</a></div>
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The Indonesian military (<em style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: inherit;">Tentara Nasional Indonesia </em>or TNI) turned 72 years old on 5 October. Much of the gung-ho surrounding the anniversary, however, wasn’t about the new <a href="https://news.detik.com/berita/3671274/hut-tni-ke-72-ini-daftar-alutsista-yang-dipamerkan-ke-jokowi" rel="noopener" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: #b00736; line-height: inherit; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">weapon systems displayed</a> during the celebration or new strategic plans. Instead, the focus was on TNI Commander General Gatot Nurmantyo—from his <a href="http://www.thejakartapost.com/academia/2017/09/28/editorial-uniting-generals.html" rel="noopener" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: #b00736; line-height: inherit; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">explicit order</a> that soldiers must attend public screenings of an old anti-communist movie to his <a href="http://www.antaranews.com/en/news/112889/house-commission-to-summon-tni-commander-over-arms-polemics" rel="noopener" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: #b00736; line-height: inherit; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">accusations</a>that ‘non-military elements’ were importing arms. Those polemics, when coupled with his previous controversies—from alleged <a href="https://www.pressreader.com/indonesia/the-jakarta-post/20170819/281513636267320" rel="noopener" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: #b00736; line-height: inherit; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">political manoeuvres</a> during the Jakarta election to his <a href="http://www.smh.com.au/world/internal-cable-suggests-indonesia-never-intended-to-fully-suspend-military-ties-20170106-gtn834.html" rel="noopener" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: #b00736; line-height: inherit; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">brief suspension</a> of language training with Australia—highlight how polarising the general has been since assuming command of the TNI in 2015.</div>
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Some have attributed such controversies to Gatot’s political ambitions (see <a href="http://www.atimes.com/article/military-ambitions-shake-indonesias-politics/" rel="noopener" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: #b00736; line-height: inherit; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">here</a> and <a href="https://thediplomat.com/2017/10/is-indonesias-military-chief-making-a-new-political-power-play/" rel="noopener" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: #b00736; line-height: inherit; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">here)</a>. Others, however, paint the TNI as the problem. They have noted, for example, how the TNI has been <a href="http://www.understandingconflict.org/en/conflict/read/41/The-Expanding-Role-of-the-Indonesian-Military" rel="noopener" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: #b00736; line-height: inherit; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">expanding</a> its non-military activities, from counterterrorism to anti-drug campaigns, or how retired officers have been playing prominent roles in the Joko ‘Jokowi’ Widodo administration. Senior officers have also publicly exhibited conservative tendencies as antiquated programs of ‘<a href="http://www.newmandala.org/dangerous-ideology-behind-bela-negara/" rel="noopener" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: #b00736; line-height: inherit; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">state defence</a>’ are crowding out technological modernisation plans.</div>
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The TNI’s public image should have tanked. But in a recent <a href="http://www.pewglobal.org/2017/10/03/attitudes-toward-human-rights-organizations-india-indonesia-kenya-mexico/" rel="noopener" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: #b00736; line-height: inherit; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">poll</a>, 90% of the public agreed that the TNI was having a ‘good influence on the way things are going’ in Indonesia. That’s higher than the police (63%) and human rights organisations (82%), and it’s consistent with dozens of surveys over the past decade underscoring the TNI’s high favourability rating (see <a href="http://nasional.kompas.com/read/2015/10/05/15000061/Puncak.Apresiasi.Publik.kepada.TNI?page=all" rel="noopener" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: #b00736; line-height: inherit; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">here</a> and <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=p7r3DQAAQBAJ&pg=PA322&lpg=PA322&dq=jajak+pendapat+TNI+kompas&source=bl&ots=WFlGAyUAHG&sig=47a_yOIhfz5ne3tv49phCADnb_o&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwjMmLLDu_bWAhVN-mMKHaNmA2kQ6AEIWDAG#v=onepage&q=jajak%20pendapat%20TNI%20k" rel="noopener" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: #b00736; line-height: inherit; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">here</a>).</div>
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We can make sense of this paradox—mounting criticisms but soaring public popularity—when we consider a few often-overlooked contextual factors surrounding the TNI.</div>
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First, Indonesia’s civil–military relations are not an exclusively elite affair between generals and political leaders. The broad conception of civil–military relations emphasises the <a href="https://books.google.com/books?hl=en&lr=&id=rygsDwAAQBAJ&oi=fnd&pg=PA3&dq=janowitz+the+professional+soldier&ots=upmETRkjNk&sig=2vyepu8El8nK37pG2FKubMioX40#v=onepage&q=janowitz%20the%20professional%20soldier&f=false" rel="noopener" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: #b00736; line-height: inherit; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">strong relationship</a> between militaries and their societies. And yet, for decades, most studies and press reports on Indonesia’s civil–military relations have focused on the <em style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: inherit;">political</em> contestation between military leaders and the political elite. We know little about the <em style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: inherit;">societal</em> relationship between the public and the TNI, or about the effect that relationship has on its intra-<em style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: inherit;">organisational</em> dynamics.</div>
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That said, the TNI’s popularity seems less about elite politics and more about how the military’s post-1998 withdrawal has led to an increase in the public’s engagement with the police (separated from the TNI in 1999) and other non-military political institutions. Through more engagement, the public unsurprisingly sees the failure and corruption of other institutions more prominently than those of the TNI as an organisation.</div>
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Second, it is incumbent upon the president to carefully manage the TNI. Under Jokowi, however, civil–military relations have been on auto-pilot; his ministers—retired generals like Luhut Pandjaitan and Wiranto—handle national security affairs while the defence ministry and TNI headquarters formulate their own policies. Jokowi hasn’t been personally interested in a deeper or closer engagement with the military, and his advisers might feel he shouldn’t spend political capital on it—not when economic development and infrastructure are re-election centrepieces.</div>
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To be fair, finding the right balance in managing the TNI has always been difficult. Micro-manage too far, like President Wahid <a href="https://books.google.com/books/about/Fading_Away.html?id=leq5AAAAIAAJ" rel="noopener" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: #b00736; line-height: inherit; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">did in 1999</a>, and you have political chaos. Not managing at all allowed conservative voices to dominate, as the Aceh conflict under the <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=2O6DTQJMiIoC&printsec=frontcover&dq=sukardi+rinakit&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwjQsY7ot_nWAhVFxWMKHQsiC7oQ6AEIKTAA#v=onepage&q=sukardi%20rinakit&f=false" rel="noopener" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: #b00736; line-height: inherit; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Megawati administration</a> showed us. For better or worse, President Yudhoyono took great pains to engage with and manage the TNI. His personal and <a href="http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.5728/indonesia.98.0091?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents" rel="noopener" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: #b00736; line-height: inherit; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">hands-on approach</a> to the TNI may have even <a href="https://www.routledge.com/The-Political-Resurgence-of-the-Military-in-Southeast-Asia-Conflict-and/Mietzner/p/book/9780415460354" rel="noopener" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: #b00736; line-height: inherit; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">helped stabilise military reform</a>.</div>
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In any case, Jokowi can’t easily intervene in military affairs when things go south without sustained investment. It’s extremely difficult to manage civil–military crises when you haven’t built trust or a relationship with your military leaders and the organisation. Such investment is even more critical when you have a TNI commander who’s more willing to engage in public or even political activities.</div>
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Finally, the TNI’s recent regressive tendencies are partially rooted in the lack of attention for almost two decades to fundamental issues of organisational reform—from education and training to personnel management. Rather than completely overhauling the military structure put in place by TNI commander Benny Moerdani in 1983, the post-Suharto military leaders preferred to tinker with it (a process dubbed ‘organisational validation’). Aside from the <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=p7r3DQAAQBAJ&printsec=frontcover&dq=ahmad+yani+basuki&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwjMkoCOkfnWAhVI82MKHeHHCgoQ6AEIJjAA#v=onepage&q=ahmad%20yani%20basuki&f=false" rel="noopener" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: #b00736; line-height: inherit; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">reforms</a> to its political role, the TNI’s overall structure had been modified more than half a dozen times since 1998. The last set of modifications was announced last year and would last until 2019.</div>
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With constant tinkering <em style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: inherit;">sans </em>fundamental overhaul, personnel policies in particular could hardly be professionalised. The incentive system that had rewarded conservative and politically ambitious officers remains. Nurmantyo is not unique in this sense; he’s a product of the height of the New Order era along with his generation who entered the military in the 1980s. As junior officers, they cut their teeth in East Timor and formed the backbone of the New Order’s system of territorial and political control during its peak. But as mid-rank officers, they had to deal with the uncertainty of democratic transition and the TNI’s near disintegration. Finally as senior officers, they had to ‘wait in line’ as <a href="https://www.pressreader.com/indonesia/the-jakarta-post/20170113/281590945255741" rel="noopener" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: #b00736; line-height: inherit; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">promotional logjams</a> plagued the TNI when the retirement age was suddenly lengthened from 55 to 58 in 2004 even as non-military posts shrunk significantly.</div>
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Consequently, some of the 1980s generation like Nurmantyo are often more fluent in political strategies and their conceptions of national security tend to be inward-looking and expansive at the same time. They are also, above all, concerned with organisational unity and restoring the TNI’s reputation. When job promotions and post-retirement careers are equally uncertain, staunchly conservative and politically ambitious officers tend to be the norm rather than the exception.</div>
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<span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 600; line-height: inherit;">Evan A. Laksmana</span> is a senior researcher at the Centre for Strategic and International Studies in Jakarta and currently a visiting fellow at the National Bureau of Asian Research in Seattle, Washington. Image courtesy of Flickr user <a href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/globalmediasharing/30917108111/" rel="noopener" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: #b00736; line-height: inherit; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Global Media Sharing</a>.</div>
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.com4tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5079583836622210732.post-54375845724302662242017-11-03T08:22:00.001+08:002017-11-03T08:22:02.814+08:00Jakarta’s new governor doubles down on identity.<h1 class="article-title" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #1a1a1a; font-family: "Droid Serif", serif; font-size: 44px; font-weight: 100; height: auto; line-height: 1.11; margin: 0px; max-width: 100%; outline: 0px; padding: 0px 0px 14px;">
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<span style="color: black;">By <a class="" href="http://www.newmandala.org/author/tompepinsky/" style="box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: bold; height: auto; margin: 0px; max-width: 100%; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration: none;">TOM PEPINSKY</a><b> </b></span></div>
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Jakarta’s new governor, <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anies_Baswedan" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #333333; height: auto; margin: 0px; max-width: 100%; outline: 0px; padding: 0px;">Anies Baswedan</a>, was inaugurated in a large and highly publicised ceremony on 16 October. <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/monkey-cage/wp/2017/06/01/indonesian-voters-disrupted-their-political-scene-whats-next-for-the-country/?utm_term=.97d58785bfaf" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #333333; height: auto; margin: 0px; max-width: 100%; outline: 0px; padding: 0px;">After a highly racially and religiously charged gubernatorial campaign</a> that saw Anies defeat incumbent governor Basuki Tjahaja Purnama—a Chinese Christian since imprisoned on charges of blasphemy—many Indonesians had hoped for a period of calm. Anies might have contributed to that by delivering a moderately religious but clearly nationalist and inclusivist inauguration address in his first speech as governor.</div>
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This is not what he delivered. Instead, Anies has doubled down on the identitarian religious rhetoric that sustained his campaign and propelled him into office. One particular line from <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=z39joac1YRw" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #333333; height: auto; margin: 0px; max-width: 100%; outline: 0px; padding: 0px;">his speech</a> as attracted particular attention among Indonesia’s liberals, progressives, and religious and ethnic minorities:</div>
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Jakarta ini satu dari sedikit, satu dari sedikit kota di Indonesia yang merasakan kolonialisme dari dekat. Penjajahan di depan mata itu di jakarta, selama ratusan tahun. Di tempat lain mungkin penjajahan terasa jauh, tapi di Jakarta bagi orang Jakarta yang namanya kolonialisme itu di depan mata. Dirasakan sehari-hari. Karena itu bila kita merdeka maka janji-janji itu harus terlunaskan bagi warga Jakarta. <strong style="box-sizing: border-box; height: auto; margin: 0px; max-width: 100%; outline: 0px; padding: 0px;">Dulu kita semua pribumi ditindas dan dikalahkan. Kini telah merdeka, kini saatnya menjadi tuan rumah di negeri sendiri.</strong> Jangan sampai Jakarta ini seperti yang dituliskan pepatah Madura: <em style="box-sizing: border-box; height: auto; margin: 0px; max-width: 100%; outline: 0px; padding: 0px;">etek se bertelor, ajam se rameh</em>, katanya. Itik yang bertelur, ayam yang mengerami. Kita yang bekerja keras untuk merebut kemerdekaan. Kita yang bekerja keras untuk mengusir kolonialisme. Kita semua harus merasakan manfaat kemerdekaan di ibu kota ini.</div>
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Jakarta was one of only a few cities in Indonesia that felt colonialism from up close. Colonisation was in front of one’s eyes in Jakarta, for hundreds of years. In other places, perhaps, colonisation felt far away, but for the people of Jakarta colonialism was right in front of their eyes. It was felt on a daily basis. Because of that, when we became independent, those promises [<em style="box-sizing: border-box; height: auto; margin: 0px; max-width: 100%; outline: 0px; padding: 0px;">of independence, as Anies mentioned earlier: namely prosperity, protection, and knowledge—Ed.</em>] had to be fulfilled for citizens of Jakarta. <strong style="box-sizing: border-box; height: auto; margin: 0px; max-width: 100%; outline: 0px; padding: 0px;">Previously, all of us <em style="box-sizing: border-box; height: auto; margin: 0px; max-width: 100%; outline: 0px; padding: 0px;">pribumi</em> [indigenous people] were oppressed and defeated. Today we are independent, and it’s time to become the hosts in our own country</strong><strong style="box-sizing: border-box; height: auto; margin: 0px; max-width: 100%; outline: 0px; padding: 0px;">.</strong> Don’t let Jakarta like what is written in the Madurese saying: <em style="box-sizing: border-box; height: auto; margin: 0px; max-width: 100%; outline: 0px; padding: 0px;">etek se bertelor, ajam se rameh. </em>The duck lays the eggs, but the chicken broods. It was we who worked hard to contest independence. We who worked hard to drive out colonialism. We all have to feel the benefits of independence in this capital city.</div>
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There are three important observations from this excerpt.</div>
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<li style="box-sizing: border-box; height: auto; margin: 0px; max-width: 100%; outline: 0px; padding: 0px;"><strong style="box-sizing: border-box; height: auto; margin: 0px; max-width: 100%; outline: 0px; padding: 0px;">Even after nearly seventy years of independence, colonial legacies matter</strong>. Anies is able to compose a powerful political message that invokes the socioeconomic effects of colonialism. Anies (or his speechwriters) believe that this is message that still resonates. In my view, he is right.</li>
<li style="box-sizing: border-box; height: auto; margin: 0px; max-width: 100%; outline: 0px; padding: 0px;"><strong style="box-sizing: border-box; height: auto; margin: 0px; max-width: 100%; outline: 0px; padding: 0px;">This is a presidential speech, not a gubernatorial one</strong>. The looks exactly like the speech of a candidate preparing himself for a 2019 presidential run, placing Jakarta at the centre of national politics and staking a claim for himself as a national politician. Elsewhere in the speech he invokes folksy sayings from ethnic groups around the archipelago (Acehnese, Batak, Banjar, Madurese, Minahasa, Minang), figuratively pushing a pin in each of Indonesia’s regions and saying “I am speaking to you too.”</li>
<li style="box-sizing: border-box; height: auto; margin: 0px; max-width: 100%; outline: 0px; padding: 0px;"><strong style="box-sizing: border-box; height: auto; margin: 0px; max-width: 100%; outline: 0px; padding: 0px;">Every Indonesian who hears this speech will understand that it is targeting ethnic Chinese Indonesians</strong>. Specifically, it is associating Chinese Indonesians with the long colonial period and its legacies on everyday politics. <em style="box-sizing: border-box; height: auto; margin: 0px; max-width: 100%; outline: 0px; padding: 0px;">Pribumi</em> is a term that connotes indigeneity, but specifically, it identifies those citizens of Indonesia who are viewed to be descended from foreign populations (Chinese, Arabs, Indians, Europeans, and others). Anies appears to have conveniently forgot that he himself is of <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hadhrami_people" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #333333; height: auto; margin: 0px; max-width: 100%; outline: 0px; padding: 0px;">Hadrami</a> descent. Alternatively, he might not have forgotten at all, but rather he knows that Indonesia’s wealthy Arab Indonesian elite faces none of the discrimination that Chinese Indonesians face in places like Jakarta. (I have written about this <a href="https://tompepinsky.files.wordpress.com/2017/06/cps2016a.pdf" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #333333; height: auto; margin: 0px; max-width: 100%; outline: 0px; padding: 0px;">here [PDF]</a>.)</li>
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The visual imagery surrounding Anies’s installation reflects similar kinds of politics. One notable banner that has generated much discussion appears below:</div>
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<a href="http://www.tagar.id/fpi-dengan-gubernur-baru-mudah-mudahan-muslim-bisa-dihargai-lagi/" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #333333; height: auto; margin: 0px; max-width: 100%; outline: 0px; padding: 0px;"><img alt="" height="428" src="https://i2.wp.com/www.tagar.id/wp-content/uploads/2017/10/Spanduk-di-depan-Balaikota.jpg" srcset="https://i2.wp.com/www.tagar.id/wp-content/uploads/2017/10/Spanduk-di-depan-Balaikota.jpg?zoom=2 2x" style="border: 0px none; box-sizing: border-box; height: auto; margin: 0px; max-width: 100%; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: middle;" width="700" /></a><div class="wp-caption-text" style="box-sizing: border-box; font-size: 11px; height: auto; line-height: 17px; list-style-position: inside; margin-bottom: 32px; max-width: 100%; outline: 0px; padding: 0px 4px 5px;">
Source: Tagar News</div>
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The full banner reads <em style="box-sizing: border-box; height: auto; margin: 0px; max-width: 100%; outline: 0px; padding: 0px;">Terpilihnya Anies-Sandi adalah Simbol Kebangkitan Pribumi Muslim</em>, or “the election of Anies-Sandi is a symbol of the awakening of the indigenous Muslims.”</div>
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The long term consequences of this for Jakarta and Indonesian politics are hard to predict. However, anyone hoping that Anies would revert to the moderate Islamic persona that he had cultivated prior to his gubernatorial campaign must now be disappointed. His lickspittles might argue that his use of non-Muslim religious language at the beginning and end of his speech signals his understanding that Jakarta (like Indonesia) is a religiously diverse city. But this view ignores the reality of Anies’s inauguration: the <em style="box-sizing: border-box; height: auto; margin: 0px; max-width: 100%; outline: 0px; padding: 0px;">pribumi</em>/non-<em style="box-sizing: border-box; height: auto; margin: 0px; max-width: 100%; outline: 0px; padding: 0px;">pribumi</em> cleavage is alive and well in Indonesian politics, and a leading politician is betting that exploiting this cleavage is good politics.</div>
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<i><strong style="box-sizing: border-box; height: auto; margin: 0px; max-width: 100%; outline: 0px; padding: 0px;">Tom Pepinsky is an associate professor in the government department and a faculty member of the Southeast Asia Program at Cornell University. </strong><strong style="box-sizing: border-box; height: auto; margin: 0px; max-width: 100%; outline: 0px; padding: 0px;">He studies comparative politics and political economy, with a focus on emerging market economies in Southeast Asia. </strong></i></div>
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.com4tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5079583836622210732.post-30279206783702211762017-11-03T08:17:00.000+08:002017-11-03T08:33:19.877+08:00Stuck in the groove: Indonesia-Australia relations remain out of tune.<div class="content_desc" style="float: left; font-family: Verdana, Geneva, sans-serif; font-size: 12px; height: auto; margin-top: 20px; width: 450px;">
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By: Duncan Graham </h3>
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<img src="http://sr-indonesia.com/uploads/medias/1514_spying-scandal-australia-indonesia.jpg" style="border: none; color: inherit;" /></div>
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<span style="font-size: 12pt;">In pre-digital days journalists reporting inaction on critical issues favored the metaphor of a needle stuck on a record turntable.</span><br />
<span style="font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-size: 12pt;">The revival of vinyl has kept the cliché circulating - particularly with new urgings to stop Australian-Indonesian relations from forever going round and round. </span><br />
<span style="font-size: 12pt;">The latest wind-up comes from a well-intentioned group of 21 academics, economists, business people, NGOs and public servants. They gathered in Perth, Australia in July for a closed-door session seeking better ways for the two nations to cooperate. This Track 2 (outside official channels) initiative was engineered by the USAsia Centre at the University of Western Australia.</span><br />
<span style="font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-size: 12pt;">The result of the one-day “extensive in-depth discussions” is the just-released report “The Power of Proximity: Enhancing Australian-Indonesian Economic Relations. Grand title” - but that’s about all. </span><br />
<span style="font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-size: 12pt;">The test of any think tank’s effectiveness is whether it articulates practical action or is struggling for traction. The latter is the case here - only half the 12-pages have much to say and even less that’s original. The words sound energizing but none have driving power. </span><br />
<span style="font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-size: 12pt;">To be fair this was not the ambitious matchmakers’ fault. Their brief was worthy but flawed. The difficulties in getting Indonesia and Australia to develop a trustful relationship after years of hot-cold wariness are formidable. Repairs require firm political will on both sides of the Arafura Sea.</span><br />
<span style="font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-size: 12pt;">Professor Tim Lindsey of Melbourne University once called the two countries the “odd couple” of Southeast Asia. The pair live in the same location but long-term marital tensions are too strained to share one bed.</span><br />
<span style="font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-size: 12pt;">The one politician present at the workshop, and only as an observer, was Bill Johnston, the West Australian Minister for Asian Engagement. This is the smallest of the four portfolios. The two biggest names Marty Natalegawa (Foreign Affairs) and Mari Pangestu (Trade) are former ministers long out of office.</span><br />
<span style="font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-size: 12pt;">All the report’s 10 recommendations carry auxiliary verbs rather than imperatives. Although many participants were more mid and regional than peak and central - Indonesia’s official reps were from consulates - most had long records in the game and their voices deserve the ears of government. </span><br />
<span style="font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-size: 12pt;">In the current climate, those who get heard are inner circle ambassadors, cabinet ministers from Jakarta and Canberra, gold star corporate tycoons and party chess masters with the president or prime minister’s numbers on speed dial. When these giants murmur things happen. </span><br />
<span style="font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span>
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<h4>
<span style="font-weight: normal;">The report’s author Kyle Springer from the USAsia Centre later commented that: “Australia simply has yet to see Indonesia as an opportunity... There is yet a narrative of Indonesia’s rise and what it could mean for Australian businesses... Instead of perceiving each other as a threat, they should choose to see each other as an opportunity.” The repetition suggests exasperation.</span></h4>
<h4>
<span style="font-weight: normal;"><br />But why? The answers get nudged out as this room is full of elephants. The pachyderms which won’t leave include the growth of fundamentalist Islam, surging nationalism, whether the Indonesian military is playing political games, and human rights concerns in West Papua.</span></h4>
<h4>
<span style="font-weight: normal;"><br />For the Indonesians it’s the fear that Australia is plotting to fracture the Unitary State by supporting secessionists, and promoting “liberal lifestyles” - code for acceptance of homosexuality. Any of these beehives could be tipped over by agents provocateurs in the lead-up to the 2019 elections.<br />The closest the report’s language gets to reality is this comment: “Bilateral crises derail progress on economic issues and Australia and Indonesia lack a mechanism to manage and communicate during diplomatic crises.” That should be an all-stations alert.</span></h4>
<h4>
<span style="font-weight: normal;"><br />To an outsider the equations look simple. One highly efficient exporter just over the horizon from 260 million people in an economy growing at three per cent annually. Why does Australia do more trade with tiny New Zealand (population 4.5 million) than the colossus that’s closer?</span></h4>
<h4>
<span style="font-weight: normal;"><br />How come more than a million Australians every year holiday with the Balinese, but Indonesians don’t dart Down Under for a break? Just 156,000 made the short trip after negotiating a 15-page visa questionnaire and paying more than A$ 150. Australians have visa-free entry into Indonesia.</span></h4>
<span style="font-size: 12pt;">Outside the forum, participant Ross Taylor, president of the Australian-based Indonesia Institute, echoed exasperation. </span><br />
<span style="font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-size: 12pt;">“We talk about building closer links,” he told <i>Strategic Review</i>. “But both governments still make it hard for young people to move between our two countries due to unnecessary red-tape.”</span><br />
<span style="font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span>
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Why is the fourth largest country in the world desperate for infrastructure investment but Australian developers aren’t building? They see Indonesia as high-risk with a questionable legal system. Australia invested A$<span style="color: #1d1d1d;">2.2 trillion overseas last year but only A$1.9 billion in Indonesia. </span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 13.5pt;">
But as Springer points out, China: “with its lack of government transparency, shaky property rights, and bureaucratic corruption, it actually falls rather close to Indonesia on the <a href="http://www.doingbusiness.org/rankings" style="border: none; color: inherit; text-decoration: none;">World Bank’s ease of doing business index</a>.”</div>
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For the record China ranks 78, thirteen points better than Indonesia.</div>
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The Power of Proximity leans on the trade trends report “The World” in 2050 by the international financial analyst PricewaterhouseCoopers.</div>
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This forecasts Indonesia overtaking Russia, Mexico and Brazil to become the fourth largest economy behind China, India and the US.</div>
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Fogging the USAsia group’s vision has been the awkward progress of the Indonesia-Australia Comprehensive Partnership Agreement (IA-CEPA). Negotiations are supposed to be finalized this year.</div>
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The laptops were opened in 2013, closed over domestic disputes, and rebooted in 2016. Once called “free trade talks,” the term is now seldom heard, suggesting the results will not meet expectations.</div>
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In a separate forum, Mari Pangestu revealed that while trade minister she talked of “fair trade” to avoid antagonizing economic nationalists.</div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 13.5pt;">
The Power of Proximity continues the trend of trade-or-fade auguries and muted responses. The conservatives in Canberra seem more concerned with defense and security, believing trade is best left to free-market entrepreneurs.</div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 13.5pt;">
The experts who gathered in Perth are not so convinced, concluding: “In short, despite robust diplomatic, political and military ties, Australia and Indonesia have yet to fully take advantage of the power of proximity.” </div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 13.5pt;">
The needle stays stuck.</div>
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<b><i>Duncan Graham is a journalist based in East Java. This article was originally published in 'The New Mandala' on 14th October 2017</i></b></div>
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.com5tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5079583836622210732.post-678963449372251552017-11-03T08:11:00.001+08:002017-11-03T08:11:15.893+08:00Indonesia's Islamisation: Swipe right for polygamy and left for women's rights<section class="node" style="background-color: white; box-sizing: inherit; color: #111111; font-family: Din, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 16px; margin-bottom: 0.25rem;"><div class="article-header clearfix" style="box-sizing: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px;">
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On the rise: polygamy in Indonesia, domestic violence in Malaysia, sharia in Brunei. Is Southeast Asia going backwards when it comes to gender equality?</div>
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BY <a href="http://www.scmp.com/author/resty-woro-yuniar" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: inherit; color: #333333; cursor: pointer; line-height: inherit; outline: 0px; text-decoration: none;" title="Resty Woro Yuniar">ESTY WORO YUNIAR</a></div>
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ON<span style="background-color: white; color: black; font-family: Utopia, sans-serif; font-size: 1.0625rem;">co</span></div>
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The app, called AyoPoligami, lets men and women scroll through users’ profiles, much like the popular dating app Tinder – in which members swipe right to indicate a romantic interest, left to reject. The maker of AyoPoligami claims to have registered 10,000 users since it launched in April, mostly men looking to engage in polygamous marriages.</div>
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Polygamy is legal in Indonesia; men are allowed to marry up to four women at once. The practice was once frowned upon, but now seems to be on the rise as religious leaders openly parade their wives in public and endorse the practice to followers, activists say.</div>
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A society that allows polygamy “is male-centred and insensitive towards women,” says Yuniyanti Chuzaifah, deputy chairwoman at state agency National Commission on Violence Against Women. “In reality, many women who are involved in polygamy reported to us that they were being treated unfairly. It is clear that polygamy is a type of violence against women that’s rendered possible by culture and religion.”</div>
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Polygamy is just one of many manifestations of gender inequality in the region. In <a href="http://www.scmp.com/topics/malaysia" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: inherit; color: #586b75; cursor: pointer; line-height: inherit; outline: 0px; text-decoration: none;">Malaysia</a>, civil and sharia law at times conflict, especially in family law. Brunei will soon fully implement sharia law, leaving women’s rights up in the air – interpretation of religious doctrines is usually from a male perspective, activists say.</div>
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<img class="caption caption-processed" data-resolution="2" height="385" src="https://cdn1.i-scmp.com/sites/default/files/images/methode/2017/10/14/445b1fe4-af23-11e7-9cb1-5f6b75e2d8b2_1320x770_204256.JPG" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: inherit; display: block; height: auto; margin: 0px auto; max-width: 100%; vertical-align: middle;" title="Saudi Arabia’s King Salman has issued a decree that will allow women to drive. Photo: EPA" width="660" /><span class="caption-text" style="box-sizing: inherit; caption-side: bottom; color: #586b75; display: table-caption; font-family: Din, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 0.8125rem; font-stretch: normal; font-weight: 600; line-height: 1rem; margin-top: 0.375rem;">Saudi Arabia’s King Salman has issued a decree that will allow women to drive. Photo: EPA</span></div>
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Women in Southeast Asia fare better than counterparts in the Middle East and South Asia when it comes to human development. Saudi Arabia only recently decided to lift its ban on women driving, which will take effect in June 2018.</div>
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Women in Muslim-majority nations in Southeast Asia have long enjoyed more freedom of mobility than their counterparts in the Gulf and other Muslim countries. Brunei and Malaysia churn out more female graduates than males, while the rate is almost equal in Indonesia.</div>
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<a href="https://www.scmp.com/week-asia/society/article/2105470/what-turns-hong-kong-maid-towards-islamic-state" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: inherit; color: #586b75; cursor: pointer; font-weight: 500; line-height: inherit; outline: 0px; text-decoration: none;">What turns a Hong Kong maid towards Islamic State?</a></h4>
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Gender-based violence, discrimination and low female political participation, however, remain prevalent. Nearly 260,000 cases of violence against women were reported to Indonesia’s state agency in 2016, mostly incidents of domestic abuse. Activists say the true number could be higher, since many victims – particularly those in remote areas – hesitate or face difficulties in reporting such crimes.</div>
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In Malaysia, the number of reported domestic violence cases jumped from 3,173 in 2010 to 5,796 in 2016, according to Selangor-based Women’s Aid Organisation (WAO).</div>
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<img class="caption caption-processed" data-resolution="2" height="385" src="https://cdn2.i-scmp.com/sites/default/files/images/methode/2017/10/14/0d1587ac-af25-11e7-9cb1-5f6b75e2d8b2_1320x770_204256.JPG" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: inherit; display: block; height: auto; margin: 0px auto; max-width: 100%; vertical-align: middle;" title="Malaysian women wait for a bus as they return from work in Kuala Lumpur. In Malaysia, most university graduates are female. Photo: AFP" width="660" /><span class="caption-text" style="box-sizing: inherit; caption-side: bottom; color: #586b75; display: table-caption; font-family: Din, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 0.8125rem; font-stretch: normal; font-weight: 600; line-height: 1rem; margin-top: 0.375rem;">Malaysian women wait for a bus as they return from work in Kuala Lumpur. In Malaysia, most university graduates are female. Photo: AFP</span></div>
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In Brunei, domestic abuse is a taboo issue, as women and children often withdraw reports against their abusers due to fear, activists say.</div>
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In Indonesia, there are 421 gender-based discriminative policies implemented by local officials, all derived from religious and cultural biases, according to the women’s commission.</div>
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These include requiring women to undergo virginity tests before joining the armed forces and enforcing night curfews for women in Aceh, the only province in Indonesia that has adopted sharia law.</div>
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“Indonesia has made headway in attaining gender equality. Women here have freedom of mobility, freedom of expression and we also have many female Muslim scholars,” Chuzaifah says. “Radical conservative groups disrupt all that.”</div>
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<a href="https://www.scmp.com/week-asia/politics/article/2079953/whats-driving-malaysian-support-islamic-penal-code" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: inherit; color: #586b75; cursor: pointer; font-weight: 500; line-height: inherit; outline: 0px; text-decoration: none;">What’s driving Malaysian support for Islamic penal code?</a></h4>
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In Malaysia, “about 40 per cent of pregnant women were discriminated against by employers; this includes making their positions redundant, denying them promotions, placing them on prolonged probation, demoting them and terminating their jobs,” says Tan Heang-Lee, WAO’s communications officer. “Malaysia also lacks legal protections against gender discrimination, especially in the private sector.”</div>
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In Brunei, women are not allowed to participate in sports such as football, among other prohibitions.</div>
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<img class="caption caption-processed" data-resolution="2" height="385" src="https://cdn3.i-scmp.com/sites/default/files/images/methode/2017/10/14/8f49a364-af22-11e7-9cb1-5f6b75e2d8b2_1320x770_204256.JPG" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: inherit; display: block; height: auto; margin: 0px auto; max-width: 100%; vertical-align: middle;" title="Women attend a rally in Jakarta demanding the Indonesian government to protect overseas maids and migrant workers from abuse. Photo: AFP" width="660" /><span class="caption-text" style="box-sizing: inherit; caption-side: bottom; color: #586b75; display: table-caption; font-family: Din, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 0.8125rem; font-stretch: normal; font-weight: 600; line-height: 1rem; margin-top: 0.375rem;">Women attend a rally in Jakarta demanding the Indonesian government to protect overseas maids and migrant workers from abuse. Photo: AFP</span></div>
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“Why can’t we play football? Because our body parts moving is considered promiscuous. Why can’t women take up leadership roles? Because we won’t be able to take care of our children at home. Why can’t we be opinionated and independent? Because we won’t get a husband,” says Nur, a local activist.</div>
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Women are rarely leaders in Malaysia and Brunei, and thus have little say over laws and policies that affect their lives. In Malaysia, women account for only 10 per cent of parliamentarians and 9 per cent of cabinet ministers, while in Brunei women cannot hold ministerial positions, though debates about allowing them to do so crop up occasionally. This is in stark contrast to the Philippines, a Catholic-majority nation, where last year nearly 30 per cent of the seats in the country’s Lower House were occupied by women and more than 40 per cent of civil servants are female.</div>
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Gender disparity is also noticeable at the corporate level; the gender wage gap ranges from 30 per cent to 40 per cent in favour of men. Of 144 countries, Indonesia, Brunei, and Malaysia were ranked 88th, 103rd, and 106th in last year’s World Economic Forum’s Global Gender Gap report. This is no doubt costly for their economies; the Asian Development Bank estimated income per capita in Asia could grow 30 per cent if female participation in the workforce jumped from its current 57.7 per cent to 66.2 per cent.</div>
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<img class="caption caption-processed" data-resolution="2" height="385" src="https://cdn4.i-scmp.com/sites/default/files/images/methode/2017/10/14/359ac986-af24-11e7-9cb1-5f6b75e2d8b2_1320x770_204256.JPG" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: inherit; display: block; height: auto; margin: 0px auto; max-width: 100%; vertical-align: middle;" title="A customer holds a smartphone inside a Samsung showroom in Jakarta. The Asian Development Bank estimates income per capita in Asia could grow 30 per cent if female participation in the workforce jumps to 66.2 per cent. Photo: Reuters" width="660" /><span class="caption-text" style="box-sizing: inherit; caption-side: bottom; color: #586b75; display: table-caption; font-family: Din, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 0.8125rem; font-stretch: normal; font-weight: 600; line-height: 1rem; margin-top: 0.375rem;">A customer holds a smartphone inside a Samsung showroom in Jakarta. The Asian Development Bank estimates income per capita in Asia could grow 30 per cent if female participation in the workforce jumps to 66.2 per cent. Photo: Reuters</span></div>
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Although all members of the <a href="http://www.scmp.com/topics/asean" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: inherit; color: #586b75; cursor: pointer; line-height: inherit; outline: 0px; text-decoration: none;">Association of Southeast Asian Nations</a> have ratified or acceded the United Nations Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women, a treaty on women’s rights, they have yet to incorporate it into domestic laws, depriving women of legal protections in discrimination and sexual harassment cases.</div>
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Despite these challenges, women’s rights groups are committed to continuing the fight. Indonesia’s women’s commission is campaigning for better legal protections for, among others, domestic workers and victims of sexual harassment. It also wants to have the practice of female genital mutilation criminalised. In Malaysia, WAO and other women’s groups are seeking a Gender Equality Act to protect women from discrimination.</div>
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In the meantime, these campaigns would be more effective if male policymakers addressed the cultural and religious biases that are deeply rooted within the systems, the biggest stumbling block for gender equity, rights activists say. “The rate women are breaking barriers in Brunei is not in line with how fast we can shift cultural expectations,” Nur in Brunei says. “I think we’ve gender mainstreamed our policies quite well in some relevant areas such as education, workplace, and health, but since Brunei is such a small country that functions so much like a community, our culture dictates our actions more than the law.” <span class="tw_sectioncolor" style="box-sizing: inherit;">■</span></div>
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</section>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com3tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5079583836622210732.post-23160497962860244472017-11-03T08:02:00.000+08:002017-11-03T08:02:37.610+08:00Indonesian women as ‘hidden financial managers’<header class="entry-header" style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 30px 0px; text-align: center;"><h3>
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Written by <span class="vcard author" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="fn" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-size: 14px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><a href="http://devpolicy.org/author/abigail-carpio/" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; color: #d87a00; font-size: 16px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;">Abigail Carpio</a></span></span></div>
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<div class="has-content-area" data-title="Indonesian women as ‘hidden financial managers’" data-url="http://devpolicy.org/indonesian-women-hidden-financial-managers-20171003/" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Ibu Theresia from Kupang has a small kiosk in front of her house. Her husband says that he turns over his salary to his wife at the end of each month and lets her take care of finances at home. For Ibu Theresia, it makes sense for her to manage household finances as she understands best what her family needs and what needs to be prioritised in terms of spending. She candidly notes that if financial decisions were left to her husband, “the money might just get spent on unnecessary items such as cigarettes”.</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">A recent survey conducted by Oxford Policy Management and part-funded by DFAT, called the </span><a href="http://www.opml.co.uk/projects/survey-financial-inclusion-and-access-sofia" rel="noopener noreferrer" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; color: #d87a00; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;" target="_blank"><span lang="EN-GB" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Survey on Financial Inclusion and Access</span></a><span lang="EN-GB" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"> (SOFIA), revealed two findings that, at first, appeared contradictory about the roles played by men and women in Indonesian households. In particular, women appeared to both have, and not have, financial control. On the one hand, most Indonesian women in the provinces surveyed were unlikely to own certain key assets such as land, property or bank accounts; on the other hand, the SOFIA survey results show that women tend to play a critical role as ‘financial managers’ in the household.</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">The survey, which covers 20,000 respondents in the provinces of East Java, West Nusa Tenggara (NTB), East Nusa Tenggara (NTT) and South Sulawesi, tell us that 61% of women make decisions regarding the management of finances independently, compared to only 24% of their male counterparts. Similarly, more than half of the men surveyed consult their wives when it comes to household management decisions, while less than a third of women consult their husbands. Moreover, a larger proportion (11%) of men stated that they are not at all involved when making financial decisions, compared to women (only 1%) who said the same.</span></div>
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<span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Hidden financial managers</span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">What does this tell us about women’s economic standing in Indonesia? While SOFIA does not primarily or only explore the use of financial services from a gender angle, the survey findings do present intriguing insights into household dynamics, and reveal the important role that women play as hidden financial managers. Although men own property or accounts, women are the ones who keep track of household income and make decisions regarding spending. “I allocate the monthly income for children’s school fees, savings in an arisan, pay for meals, and I save the rest in a cooperative,” explains Ibu Ariance from NTT.</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">For women like Ariance, money management at home is not just about budgeting to cover the cost of food and immediate or basic necessities; women’s role as financial managers in households can extend to money management to help families make long term investments – such as building a home. “I’m the one who plans and budgets everything for the construction of this house,” says Ibu Ariance. Her husband Ruben, a fish trader, calmly notes, “My wife manages the money; she knows best what to do”.</span></div>
<div class="x_MsoNormal" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; color: #353535; font-family: Merriweather; margin-bottom: 30px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline; word-wrap: break-word;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">And it’s not just saving – these findings also help to reveal the entrepreneurial spirit of many Indonesia women. Ibu Theresia, for example, uses the extra income (from the salary that her husband allocates to her every month) to buy gold jewellery at pawnshop auctions. This is not for her own use, but primarily for savings and investment purposes. Other women, meanwhile, save up small amounts from their partners’ salaries or earnings from farming activities in order to run their own small businesses.</span></div>
<div class="x_MsoNormal" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; color: #353535; font-family: Merriweather; margin-bottom: 30px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline; word-wrap: break-word;">
<span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Arisans in place of banks</span></span></div>
<div class="x_MsoNormal" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; color: #353535; font-family: Merriweather; margin-bottom: 30px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline; word-wrap: break-word;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Interestingly, despite the central role played by women as financial managers in households, they are less likely than men to use banks, and a significantly higher proportion of women (particularly in rural areas) use informal financial services, such as saving and borrowing through an arisan (informal savings groups) or borrowing from other informal sources such as moneylenders.</span></div>
<div class="x_MsoNormal" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; color: #353535; font-family: Merriweather; margin-bottom: 30px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline; word-wrap: break-word;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Siti Nurmajid from Selayar, South Sulawesi organised an arisan in her village, and explained that “With an arisan, I can meet with the other women in my village regularly. If they saved in the bank, they have to travel all the way to town.” And it’s not just a matter of travel; Situ Nurmajid adds that with an arisan, she (as a community leader) can better monitor women’s financial behaviour, tracking whether or not women are actually saving, and ensuring that the money saved is used for its intended purposes. These include constructing simple structures that families in her village need, such as toilets and fences, or paying for kurban (the sacrifice feast).</span></div>
<div class="x_MsoNormal" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; color: #353535; font-family: Merriweather; margin-bottom: 30px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline; word-wrap: break-word;">
<span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Where next?</span></span></div>
<div class="x_MsoNormal" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; color: #353535; font-family: Merriweather; margin-bottom: 30px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline; word-wrap: break-word;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">The Indonesian government is keen to expand the reach of financial services in the country, and hopes to increase ownership of bank accounts to cover as much as 75% of adults in Indonesia by 2019. Financial inclusion rates, as measured by the Financial Services Authority, are currently around 68%, up from 59% in 2013. The increase is impressive, but also underscores the rather ambitious nature of the 75% target. The Director of Financial Services and State Owned Enterprises at Bappenas, Dr Muhammad Cholifihani SE, has stated that, in the long-term, financial inclusion will only be achieved if most people are able to access and benefit from various formal financial services: “Inclusive financial services should be easy to find, but also provided to consumers in a timely and easy manner, safely and at an affordable cost.”</span></div>
<div class="x_MsoNormal" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; color: #353535; font-family: Merriweather; margin-bottom: 30px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline; word-wrap: break-word;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">In order to meet the financial inclusion targets, it will be important to consider developing financial products that cater to the particular needs of women. If women are acting as (hidden) household financial managers, shouldn’t they therefore have their own bank accounts? In principle, the answer would be ‘yes’, as ownership of bank accounts (as opposed to having husband-approved access) would allow women to exercise greater control over household finances, including making decisions on household savings. However, a deeper understanding of household dynamics and cultural norms is required before assuming this as a practicable proposition – or that women would indeed want to own bank accounts themselves, independent of their spouses. In any development, it will be essential to keep both social and economic contexts in mind and in balance.</span></div>
<div class="x_MsoNormal" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; color: #353535; font-family: Merriweather; margin-bottom: 30px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline; word-wrap: break-word;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">What these findings do clearly suggest is that, in order to understand how money is used or spent in households, women are critical actors to engage with. This information on household income and spending can be important when designing financial products – whether these be savings, micro-credit, insurance, or payment services. For example, when appraising whether to extend a loan (e.g., a housing or small business loan), financial institutions should be encouraged to include women or consider their involvement in the appraisal process given their role as household financial managers.<span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-style: italic;"> </span>It will not be surprising to hear more of Indonesian women seconding what Ibu Theresia said, “It’s better if I keep the money, because I’m good at managing things.”</span></div>
<div class="x_MsoNormal" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; color: #353535; font-family: Merriweather; margin-bottom: 30px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline; word-wrap: break-word;">
<span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-style: italic;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Abigail Carpio is a Senior Consultant at </span></span><a href="http://www.opml.co.uk/" rel="noopener noreferrer" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; color: #d87a00; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;" target="_blank"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-style: italic;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Oxford Policy Management</span></span></a><span lang="EN-GB" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">.</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span></div>
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.com7tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5079583836622210732.post-86430321151255480812017-10-11T15:49:00.004+08:002017-10-11T21:27:22.669+08:00The Bali Bombings: 15 years since innocence lost in Kuta Beach.<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
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<span style="font-family: "tahoma"; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Ross B. Taylor AM<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "tahoma"; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Very few Australians, or anyone in the World for that matter, could
have imagined the impact of the devastating bomb blasts that ripped the heart
out of Bali on 12<sup>th</sup> October 2002 killing 202 people including 88
Australians and 38 Indonesians. It also destroyed the unwritten belief that
Bali was ‘ours’; a natural and safe extension of Australia where young Aussies
have holidayed since people like me lived in small <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">losmans </i>on Kuta Beach in 1971. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "tahoma"; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Almost no-one could have also imagined that the shocking carnage
inflicted upon the Kuta Beach nightclubs that evening would, 15 years later,
become a reality of daily life as international terrorism spread its evil
doctrine to every corner of the earth.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "tahoma"; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Today, for many young Australians the story of the ‘Bali Bombings’ is
something that mum and dad or grandparents talk about, as a new generation of
Aussies get to fall-in-love with this incredibly beautiful island and its chilled-out
atmosphere.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "tahoma"; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%;">So on this 15<sup>th</sup> anniversary of this horrifying terrorist attack, perhaps it is a good time to
pause and ask: <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Is there anything ‘good’
we can take from this terrible event that could make our world a little better?
<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "tahoma"; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Ironically, at a government level, relations between Indonesia and
Australia should have collapsed as a result of what happened in 2002. Yet in
their commitment to find the perpetrators of these bombings, the Indonesian
National Police and our Federal Police formed an unusual alliance that resulted
in most of the Bali bombers being apprehended and convicted.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "tahoma"; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%;">This ‘odd’ partnership only happened due to an act of terrorism, yet it
has endured, with many planned attacks in Bali and the region being thwarted in
time to undoubtedly save the lives of many more tourists and locals.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "tahoma"; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%;">The Bali bombings have actually brought the Balinese people and
Australians closer together rather than forced us away as the terrorists would
have hoped. Bali 2002 has highlighted the very worst of what can happen when
fanatics take control, yet today both our countries are closer because of the
lessons learned from that experience.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "tahoma"; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Bali today is a very different place. Last year over one million
Australians holidayed in our favourite playground, and we have saw an
unprecedented boom in the number arrivals by mainland Chinese and Indian
tourists.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "tahoma"; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%;">The good news is that, despite the ongoing danger of a ‘lone-wolf’
terrorist attack, Bali is now a far more enjoyable, safer and secure place than
in 2002. But for those who were directly impacted by the Bali bombing, the pain
and grief continues to be very real and ‘raw’.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "tahoma"; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%;">So as we pause to commemorate this terrible event that occurred 15
years ago today (12th), let us all make that commitment to to show more respect to our
Balinese hosts, and to be more caring towards those who are important to us. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "tahoma"; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%;">To do this gives some purpose and meaning to our own lives, and truly
honours the spirit of those who were badly injured, or lost their lives, on the streets of Kuta Beach in 2002.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "tahoma"; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 115%;"><i>Ross B. Taylor is the president of the WA-based Indonesia Institute Inc.</i></span></span></h2>
<h2>
<span style="font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "tahoma"; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 115%;"><i><br /></i></span><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: "tahoma"; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%;">@indorosstaylor</span></i></span></h2>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text Indent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text Indent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Block Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Hyperlink"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="FollowedHyperlink"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="22" QFormat="true" Name="Strong"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="20" QFormat="true" Name="Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Document Map"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Plain Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="E-mail Signature"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Top of Form"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Bottom of Form"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Normal (Web)"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Acronym"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Address"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Cite"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Code"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Definition"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Keyboard"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Preformatted"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Sample"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Typewriter"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Variable"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Normal Table"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="annotation subject"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="No List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Outline List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Outline List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Outline List 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Simple 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Simple 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Simple 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Colorful 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Colorful 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Colorful 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 7"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 8"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 7"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 8"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table 3D effects 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table 3D effects 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table 3D effects 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Contemporary"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Elegant"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Professional"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Subtle 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Subtle 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Web 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Web 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Web 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Balloon Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="Table Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Theme"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Note Level 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Note Level 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Note Level 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Note Level 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Note Level 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Note Level 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Note Level 7"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Note Level 8"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Note Level 9"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" Name="Placeholder Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="1" QFormat="true" Name="No Spacing"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" Name="Revision"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="34" QFormat="true"
Name="List Paragraph"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="29" QFormat="true" Name="Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="30" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="19" QFormat="true"
Name="Subtle Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="21" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="31" QFormat="true"
Name="Subtle Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="32" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="33" QFormat="true" Name="Book Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="37" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Bibliography"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" QFormat="true" Name="TOC Heading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="41" Name="Plain Table 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="42" Name="Plain Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="43" Name="Plain Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="44" Name="Plain Table 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="45" Name="Plain Table 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="40" Name="Grid Table Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46" Name="Grid Table 1 Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51" Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52" Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46" Name="List Table 1 Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="List Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="List Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="List Table 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="List Table 5 Dark"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51" Name="List Table 6 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52" Name="List Table 7 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="List Table 1 Light Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="List Table 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="List Table 3 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="List Table 4 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="List Table 5 Dark Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="List Table 6 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="List Table 7 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="List Table 1 Light Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="List Table 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="List Table 3 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="List Table 4 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="List Table 5 Dark Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="List Table 6 Colorful Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="List Table 7 Colorful Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="List Table 1 Light Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="List Table 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="List Table 3 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="List Table 4 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="List Table 5 Dark Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="List Table 6 Colorful Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="List Table 7 Colorful Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="List Table 1 Light Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="List Table 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="List Table 3 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="List Table 4 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="List Table 5 Dark Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="List Table 6 Colorful Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="List Table 7 Colorful Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="List Table 1 Light Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="List Table 2 Accent 5"/>
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.com3tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5079583836622210732.post-23878951229341410432017-10-01T09:00:00.004+08:002017-10-01T09:00:58.365+08:00Watch out Indonesian democracy – Islamism, communism and Jokowi’s Neo-New Order?<h4 style="text-align: center;">
By TIM LINDSEY. </h4>
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<b><span style="border: 0px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">On 16 September, police broke up an academic discussion at the offices of renowned activist NGO the Jakarta Legal Aid Foundation (LBH). The topic was the killings of alleged leftists in 1965 and 1966 in the wake of the failed coup that brought former president Soeharto to powe</span>r.</b><span id="more-12450" style="border: 0px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"></span></div>
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This event was more significant than it seems at first glance. LBH has always been critical of government and unafraid to address highly controversial issues. Despite this, security forces have never before broken up a meeting at its offices – not even under Soeharto’s authoritarian New Order, when LBH was often the most vocal opposition voice in the country.</div>
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The trouble started when protesters gathered outside LBH, claiming the meeting supported communism. They included prominent Islamist ginger groups like the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) and others involved in recent mass rallies against former Jakarta governor Basuki “Ahok” Tjahaja Purnama. As is so often the case, the police gave in to the mob. They surrounded LBH, forced their way in and closed the event down.</div>
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Discussion of the mass killing or imprisonment in 1965 and 1966 of Indonesians supposedly associated with the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) may still be controversial in Indonesia but it is hardly novel. There have been many similar events in recent years (including at LBH) and even public conferences, some endorsed by the government. Likewise, Joshua Oppenheimer’s dramatic documentary about the killings, ‘The Act of Killing’ has been screened in Indonesia and covered widely in the media. Every Thursday, survivors and supporters protest outside the palace to remind President Joko Widodo (Jokowi) of his broken election promise to resolve past violations of human rights, including the massacres of 1965/6.</div>
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In this context, having police break into LBH to halt a private meeting seemed extreme and heavy-handed, so LBH organised an artistic event the next day to protest. The mob gathered again, using social media to spread rumours it was a secret congress of the PKI, and pelted those trying to enter with stones. This time, police held protesters off but activists were trapped inside LBH for hours before being evacuated to the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM).</div>
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The idea that communism might be resurgent is ridiculous in a country that doesn’t even have a leftist political party. Although the PKI was violently obliterated in the mid-sixties, and communism is a dead letter globally with has no popular support in Indonesia, it is alive and well as Indonesia’s No. 1 bogeyman. Jokowi helped legitimise this in May, responding to claims that he is from a former PKI family by calling for communism to be ‘crushed’ if it rose again. Communism remains the label of choice to smear progressive opponents, as Islamist groups showed in their highly effective attack on LBH.</div>
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Civil society leaders like those at LBH are, in fact, the intellectual engine of the reform movement that delivered democratisation in the years immediately following Soeharto’s fall in 1998. For them, the attacks on LBH are another marker of what they see as Indonesia’s slow slide away from liberal democratic reform, towards what they are now calling the ‘Neo-New Order’.</div>
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Civil society figures like Nurkholis Hidayat, the former director of LBH Jakarta, point to a series of disturbing events suggesting a trend towards authoritarianism or, as they call it with a heavy dose of hyperbole, a ‘democratic emergency’. Typical examples are: the government’s continuing failure to resolve past human rights abuses, including state-led massacres and assassinations, despite Jokowi’s promises to do so; increasing use of bogus criminal charges to silence critics of the government and anti-corruption activists; growing self-censorship in the media; increasing extra-judicial killings of drug suspects; and, more recently, the controversial emergency law (Perppu) on mass organisations that will allow the government to ban civil society groups (like LBH) without going through the courts.</div>
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They also point to an increasing number of military ‘tough guys’ in the Jokowi administration, including Wiranto, Ryamizard Ryacudu and Gatot Nurmantyo, who feed paranoia about the rise of communism using rhetoric borrowed from the Soeharto era.</div>
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In short, civil society is losing faith in Jokowi as he follows global politics further to the right. He is probably not greatly troubled by this, however, as there is no progressive alternative for them to support.</div>
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In fact, Jokowi’s position is not an enviable one. He is an outsider and a weak president, who has less institutional support than most of his predecessors. He is not a former general like Soeharto or Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, or the head of his party like Megawati Soekarnoputeri or B J Habibie. He does not even have a major popular organisation behind him, as did Abdurrahman Wahid. And he faces an array of ‘wicked’ problems.</div>
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One the one hand, he is under great pressure from the emergence of aggressive Islamist politics of the kind that targeted LBH. Earlier this year, they forced the jailing of his close friend Ahok, the former governor of Jakarta, and they clearly have Jokowi in their sights too, trying to smear him as a closet Christian as well as a covert communist.</div>
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On the other hand, Jokowi also has to deal with the continued dominance of powerful oligarchs, who control political parties, most of the media and, some claim, more than 60% of the economy. He cannot afford to have too many of these among his enemies, and that means there is not much Jokowi can do about Indonesia’s a poorly-regulated political system, which favours the wealthy and drives candidates to illegally recoup the high costs of getting elected once they are in office. This system has entrenched corruption among the political elite and is a key reason for their predatory approach to public procurement.</div>
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All this feeds Indonesia’s continuing poor reputation for transparency, which, in turn, keeps foreign investment away, notwithstanding Jokowi’s constant rhetoric that Indonesia is ‘open for business’. That, combined with persistent low tax revenues and red tape, has seen economic growth stagnate at 5.2%, well below what is needed. The resulting high prices and lack of new jobs feed discontent.</div>
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With elections ahead in 2019, Jokowi knows he has to cater to Islamist rabble rousing and keep the oligarchs happy in order to convince the public that he should be re-elected – all while somehow keeping the police, army and Megawati’s conservative nationalist political party (PDI-P) on side.</div>
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In these circumstances, Jokowi probably feels he has little choice but to dump many of his promises to civil society, which is increasing marginalised in any case. After all, if former general Prabowo Subianto runs again against him, most of civil society will have little chance but to stick with Jokowi, even if they think he has betrayed them.</div>
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This all suggests the next two years will likely be marked by continued pressure on civil society groups and, just as they say, a continued slide away from the liberal democracy they thought they had won at the turn of the century.</div>
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<b><i><span style="border: 0px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Tim Lindsey is</span> <span style="border: 0px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Redmond Barry Distinguished Professor and Malcolm Smith Professor of Asian Law in the Centre for Indonesian Law, Islam and Society at the University of Melbourne.</span></i></b></div>
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<b style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, "Bitstream Charter", serif; font-size: 16px;"><i><span style="border: 0px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">(Permission to re-publish this </span></i></b><span style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Bitstream Charter, serif;"><b><i>arctic;e was given by Professor Tim Lindsey)</i></b></span></div>
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.com2tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5079583836622210732.post-88092670650414656202017-10-01T08:50:00.000+08:002017-10-01T08:50:03.771+08:00Inaugural Australia - Indonesia Youth Test Match<br /><div class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; margin: 0cm 0cm 0.0001pt;">
The Australian Bridge Federation is pleased to announce the establishment of an inaugural test match between Australia & Indonesia.<o:p></o:p></div>
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A conversation late last October between Australia’s Ambassador to Indonesia, Paul Grigson, and Australian businessman Geoffrey Gold, a long-term resident of Indonesia, laid the beginnings of the inaugural Australia-Indonesia Youth Bridge Test Match. Geoffrey has initiated high profile sports diplomacy programs between Australia and Indonesia including Soccer, Basketball and AFL, and now Bridge.<o:p></o:p></div>
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Geoffrey drew to the attention of the Ambassador the importance of Bridge in Indonesia, an observation he had initially made during visits to Jakarta by his son Leigh Gold, a top Victorian bridge player who was always warmly welcomed by Indonesia’s expert players. He was also aware that not only is Indonesia a regular finalist in major bridge tournaments, but its national organisation, Gabungan Bridge Seluruh Indonesia (GABSI), has always included very high profile community leaders, including Mr Wiranto, the current Security Coordinating Minister and a two-term President of GABSI.<o:p></o:p></div>
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Bridge is also one sport that can be played within the walls of the Australian Embassy in Jakarta, although the match will be held as part of the Indonesian Open Tournament from 10 to 12 December 2017 at the Margo Hotel, Depok.<o:p></o:p></div>
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Through Leigh, Geoffrey ascertained full support from ABF President, Bruce Neill, which accelerated the diplomatic interest. At the Ambassador’s request Geoffrey then prepared and delivered a detailed briefing on the sport in Indonesia and Australia and the two organisations, ABF and GABSI.<o:p></o:p></div>
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The speed with which the first tournament has come together reflects the serendipity of its beginnings.<o:p></o:p></div>
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The Australian Youth Team will be: Renee Cooper – Francesca McGrath and Jamie Thompson - Matt Smith, and the Chef de Mission/Non Playing Captain will be Justine Beaumont.<o:p></o:p></div>
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The ABF are particularly grateful to Geoffrey Gold for his efforts in suggesting this match to the Australian Ambassador to Indonesia, and to the Australian Embassy in Jakarta for providing funding and consular support for the Test Match.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<b><i> For further information on the inaugural test match, please contact Allison Stralow the ABF Secretary on 0403 153 823.</i></b></div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com3tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5079583836622210732.post-13236259595907254402017-09-02T11:08:00.001+08:002017-09-02T11:08:14.649+08:00Is Indonesia embarking on a Philippines-style war on drugs?<div class="field field-name-title field-type-ds field-label-hidden" style="border: 0px; color: #6d6b6b; font-family: sans-serif; font-size: 1.1em; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px 0px 0px 10px; vertical-align: baseline;">
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By Dave McRae</h3>
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<a href="http://indonesiaatmelbourne.unimelb.edu.au/author/dave/" style="background-image: none; color: #4c5e71; margin: 0px; padding: 0px !important; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"><img alt="" height="232" src="http://indonesiaatmelbourne.unimelb.edu.au/wp-content/uploads/2015/06/McRae_Dave.jpg" style="border: 0px; height: auto; margin: 0px; max-width: 100%; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline; width: auto;" typeof="foaf:Image" width="180" /></a></div>
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<a href="http://indonesiaatmelbourne.unimelb.edu.au/author/dave/" style="background-image: none; color: #4c5e71; margin: 0px; padding: 0px !important; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;">Dave McRae </a></div>
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Dave McRae is a Senior Research Fellow at the Asia Institute in the Faculty of Arts at the University of Melbourne. He is also an Associate at the Centre for Indonesian Law, Islam and Society.</div>
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<figure class="wp-caption alignleft" id="attachment_1701" style="border: 0px; float: left; margin: 0px; max-width: 100%; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline; width: 1500px;"><img alt="" class="size-full wp-image-1701" height="1002" src="http://indonesiaatmelbourne.unimelb.edu.au/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/Antara-Photo-Teresia-May-2-1-e1502158639818.jpg" style="border: 0px; height: auto; margin: 0px; max-width: 100%; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline; width: auto;" width="1500" /><figcaption class="wp-caption-text" style="border: 0px; color: #888888; font-size: 0.85em; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Fears about a drug emergency in Indonesia have re-emerged following a record seizure of one tonne of crystal methamphetamine in July. This photo is of a 2016 seizure. <em style="border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Photo by Teresia May for Antara.</em></figcaption></figure><div style="border: 0px; margin-bottom: 5px; margin-top: 5px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">
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President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo’s hard-line rhetoric in recent weeks on the fatal shooting of drugs suspects has prompted many to question whether Indonesia is contemplating a Rodrigo Duterte-style war on drugs. Jokowi was spurred to comment by the seizure of a one tonne shipment of methamphetamine to Indonesia from Taiwan, reportedly the largest seizure in Indonesia’s history. Indonesian authorities shot dead a Chinese national during the interception.</div>
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“<a class="ext" href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=y4OeYJ_78-E" style="background-image: none; color: #4c5e71; margin: 0px; padding: 0px !important; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;" target="_blank">Now the police and the military are truly firm<span class="ext" style="background-image: url(http://indonesiaatmelbourne.unimelb.edu.au/wp-content/themes/melbourneuilaw/assets/img/extlink_s.png); background-position: 2px center; background-repeat: no-repeat no-repeat; border: 0px; height: 10px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px 12px 0px 0px; vertical-align: baseline; width: 10px;"><span class="element-invisible" style="border: 0px; clip: rect(1px, 1px, 1px, 1px); height: 1px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; overflow: hidden; padding: 0px; position: absolute !important; vertical-align: baseline; width: 1px;">(link is external)</span></span></a>…. particularly against foreign drugs distributors entering Indonesia, if they resist a little bit, just shoot them immediately, as we are truly in an extreme emergency situation when it comes to narcotics,” Jokowi <a class="ext" href="http://nasional.kompas.com/read/2017/07/21/17295801/jokowi--saya-sudah-katakan-tembak-di-tempat-saja-" style="background-image: none; color: #4c5e71; margin: 0px; padding: 0px !important; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;" target="_blank">said on 21 July,<span class="ext" style="background-image: url(http://indonesiaatmelbourne.unimelb.edu.au/wp-content/themes/melbourneuilaw/assets/img/extlink_s.png); background-position: 2px center; background-repeat: no-repeat no-repeat; border: 0px; height: 10px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px 12px 0px 0px; vertical-align: baseline; width: 10px;"><span class="element-invisible" style="border: 0px; clip: rect(1px, 1px, 1px, 1px); height: 1px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; overflow: hidden; padding: 0px; position: absolute !important; vertical-align: baseline; width: 1px;">(link is external)</span></span></a> about a week after the seizure.</div>
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Jokowi’s comments reflect a clear upswing in fatal shootings of narcotics suspects this year, albeit not on a scale approaching the campaign of extrajudicial killings in the Philippines. In the first seven months of 2017, Indonesian authorities shot dead at least 49 narcotics suspects. Another suspect died in police custody in January, with police saying they <a class="ext" href="http://palembang.tribunnews.com/2017/01/31/diduga-sakit-jantungnya-kambuh-tersangka-yang-diduga-bandar-narkoba-tewas-saat-ditangkap-polisi" style="background-image: none; color: #4c5e71; margin: 0px; padding: 0px !important; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;" target="_blank">suspected a heart attack.<span class="ext" style="background-image: url(http://indonesiaatmelbourne.unimelb.edu.au/wp-content/themes/melbourneuilaw/assets/img/extlink_s.png); background-position: 2px center; background-repeat: no-repeat no-repeat; border: 0px; height: 10px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px 12px 0px 0px; vertical-align: baseline; width: 10px;"><span class="element-invisible" style="border: 0px; clip: rect(1px, 1px, 1px, 1px); height: 1px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; overflow: hidden; padding: 0px; position: absolute !important; vertical-align: baseline; width: 1px;">(link is external)</span></span></a> This is based on figures I have compiled from keyword searches of media reportage. Although imperfect, I am unaware of any comparable publicly available government data. Using similar methodology, I identified only 14 fatal shootings in 2016 and 10 fatal shootings in 2015.</div>
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Given the methodology used to compile these figures, it is likely that there have been additional shootings. For 2017, my figures match closely with a public announcement by Police Chief General Tito Karnavian on 8 May, however, that authorities had <a class="ext" href="http://www.jpnn.com/news/selama-5-bulan-sudah-31-bandar-narkoba-ditembak-mati" style="background-image: none; color: #4c5e71; margin: 0px; padding: 0px !important; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;" target="_blank">fatally shot 31 suspects<span class="ext" style="background-image: url(http://indonesiaatmelbourne.unimelb.edu.au/wp-content/themes/melbourneuilaw/assets/img/extlink_s.png); background-position: 2px center; background-repeat: no-repeat no-repeat; border: 0px; height: 10px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px 12px 0px 0px; vertical-align: baseline; width: 10px;"><span class="element-invisible" style="border: 0px; clip: rect(1px, 1px, 1px, 1px); height: 1px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; overflow: hidden; padding: 0px; position: absolute !important; vertical-align: baseline; width: 1px;">(link is external)</span></span></a>. My figures show 32 deaths to that date.</div>
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<em style="border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><img alt="" class="alignleft size-full wp-image-1702" height="216" sizes="(max-width: 720px) 100vw, 720px" src="http://indonesiaatmelbourne.unimelb.edu.au/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/Nationality-of-shootings.jpg" srcset="http://indonesiaatmelbourne.unimelb.edu.au/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/Nationality-of-shootings.jpg 720w, http://indonesiaatmelbourne.unimelb.edu.au/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/Nationality-of-shootings-300x90.jpg 300w" style="border: 0px; float: left; height: auto; margin: 0px; max-width: 100%; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline; width: auto;" width="720" /><br />Source: various Indonesian media reports</em></div>
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The majority of suspects fatally shot in 2017 have been Indonesian citizens, comprising 40 of 49 deaths. But foreigners are significantly over-represented among fatalities, at 8 of 49 deaths* or 16 per cent, given they comprise a tiny minority of drug arrests. Of 1,238 suspects arrested by the National Narcotics Agency (BNN) in 2016, for example, <a class="ext" href="https://metro.sindonews.com/read/1165109/170/sepanjang-2016-bnn-tangkap-1238-bandar-narkoba-1482420488" style="background-image: none; color: #4c5e71; margin: 0px; padding: 0px !important; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;" target="_blank">only 21 were foreign citizens, or 1.7 per cent<span class="ext" style="background-image: url(http://indonesiaatmelbourne.unimelb.edu.au/wp-content/themes/melbourneuilaw/assets/img/extlink_s.png); background-position: 2px center; background-repeat: no-repeat no-repeat; border: 0px; height: 10px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px 12px 0px 0px; vertical-align: baseline; width: 10px;"><span class="element-invisible" style="border: 0px; clip: rect(1px, 1px, 1px, 1px); height: 1px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; overflow: hidden; padding: 0px; position: absolute !important; vertical-align: baseline; width: 1px;">(link is external)</span></span></a>. This over-representation is consistent with a broader trope of the Indonesian government’s “drugs emergency” rhetoric that foreign drugs criminals are destroying Indonesia’s future generations.</div>
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Inevitably, Jokowi’s comments in July raise the question of whether the sharp increase in the number of killings reflects deliberate government policy to deter narcotics crime. Certainly, hard-line rhetoric on shooting drugs suspects has been building in Indonesia for more than a year, although senior public officials have typically tread a fine line in their statements, being careful not to issue an unqualified order to kill.</div>
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Jokowi’s own statement in June 2016 on International Anti-Narcotics Day <a class="ext" href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=y4OeYJ_78-E" style="background-image: none; color: #4c5e71; margin: 0px; padding: 0px !important; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;" target="_blank">was typical, instructing police,<span class="ext" style="background-image: url(http://indonesiaatmelbourne.unimelb.edu.au/wp-content/themes/melbourneuilaw/assets/img/extlink_s.png); background-position: 2px center; background-repeat: no-repeat no-repeat; border: 0px; height: 10px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px 12px 0px 0px; vertical-align: baseline; width: 10px;"><span class="element-invisible" style="border: 0px; clip: rect(1px, 1px, 1px, 1px); height: 1px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; overflow: hidden; padding: 0px; position: absolute !important; vertical-align: baseline; width: 1px;">(link is external)</span></span></a>“Pursue them, arrest them, beat them, strike them hard! If the law allows, shoot them!” Police Chief Karnavian has <a class="ext" href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vksG962HOKU" style="background-image: none; color: #4c5e71; margin: 0px; padding: 0px !important; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;" target="_blank">similarly toed this line,<span class="ext" style="background-image: url(http://indonesiaatmelbourne.unimelb.edu.au/wp-content/themes/melbourneuilaw/assets/img/extlink_s.png); background-position: 2px center; background-repeat: no-repeat no-repeat; border: 0px; height: 10px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px 12px 0px 0px; vertical-align: baseline; width: 10px;"><span class="element-invisible" style="border: 0px; clip: rect(1px, 1px, 1px, 1px); height: 1px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; overflow: hidden; padding: 0px; position: absolute !important; vertical-align: baseline; width: 1px;">(link is external)</span></span></a> saying in January following the first five fatal shootings of the year, “Drug distributors, if you are still doing it, poisoning our nation’s children, and then you resist when you are arrested, then it will end the same way, here as well, in the morgue.”.</div>
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Even BNN Chief Budi Waseso, who has bent the line on extra-judicial killings further than most, stuck to this line when asked this week by the influential <em style="border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Tempo</em> magazine about Jokowi’s statements. “The implementation is different in the Indonesia and the Philippines. In the Philippines, distributors are [just] shot directly. In Indonesia, it’s only the ones that resist officers.”</div>
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Even if such rhetoric does not amount to an explicit instruction to kill, it is not difficult to see how it could create a permissive environment for the fatal shooting of suspects.</div>
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Fatal shootings are concentrated in several provinces: North Sumatra and Jakarta account for half of all shootings, with Lampung, Aceh and West Kalimantan also showing high incidence. This concentration could reflect the fact that several of these provinces are entry points for narcotics to Indonesia, or centres of activity for the narcotics trade.</div>
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The discretion of individual police commanders might also contribute. Police in North Sumatra, for example, have provided a running tally to the media of the number of drugs suspects shot dead in their province this year. Senior police in West Kalimantan, another province with a concentration of narcotics shootings in 2017, have also favoured tough language. Inspector General Musyafak, police chief in the province before April, told the media in October 2016 that he apologised in advance if his personnel shot dead drug distributors. Police had weapons to shoot criminals, not to show off, he said, although he added they must use them to <a class="ext" href="http://pontianak.tribunnews.com/2016/10/14/kapolda-kalbar-instruksikan-tembak-ditempat-bandar-narkoba" style="background-image: none; color: #4c5e71; margin: 0px; padding: 0px !important; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;" target="_blank">subdue suspects, not murder them.<span class="ext" style="background-image: url(http://indonesiaatmelbourne.unimelb.edu.au/wp-content/themes/melbourneuilaw/assets/img/extlink_s.png); background-position: 2px center; background-repeat: no-repeat no-repeat; border: 0px; height: 10px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px 12px 0px 0px; vertical-align: baseline; width: 10px;"><span class="element-invisible" style="border: 0px; clip: rect(1px, 1px, 1px, 1px); height: 1px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; overflow: hidden; padding: 0px; position: absolute !important; vertical-align: baseline; width: 1px;">(link is external)</span></span></a></div>
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All incidents I have recorded resulted in only a single fatality or two suspects being shot dead. In more than one third of cases, the fatal shootings occurred well after the suspects had been arrested, when authorities took them to a secondary location to identify further suspects, or to point out where drugs and weapons were stored.</div>
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Whether at the initial point of arrest of a secondary site similar stories recur: most often the suspect is said to resist arrest or flee, often ignoring warning shots, after which police fatally shoot them. In a minority of cases, the suspects are said to have fired on police, brandished a weapon, attempted to seize a police firearm, or even to have rammed police with a vehicle.</div>
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But as Jim Della-Giacoma has previously observed in the case of <a class="ext" href="https://www.lowyinstitute.org/the-interpreter/indonesias-police-problem-deadly-force" style="background-image: none; color: #4c5e71; margin: 0px; padding: 0px !important; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;" target="_blank">police shootings more broadly in Indonesia,<span class="ext" style="background-image: url(http://indonesiaatmelbourne.unimelb.edu.au/wp-content/themes/melbourneuilaw/assets/img/extlink_s.png); background-position: 2px center; background-repeat: no-repeat no-repeat; border: 0px; height: 10px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px 12px 0px 0px; vertical-align: baseline; width: 10px;"><span class="element-invisible" style="border: 0px; clip: rect(1px, 1px, 1px, 1px); height: 1px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; overflow: hidden; padding: 0px; position: absolute !important; vertical-align: baseline; width: 1px;">(link is external)</span></span></a> many of the accounts of the shooting sit uncomfortably with the police’s own regulation governing the use of fatal force. He writes:</div>
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[Indonesian Police Chief regulation No 8 of 2009] says that ‘the use of firearms shall be allowed only if strictly necessary to preserve human life’ and ‘firearms may only be used by officers: a) when facing extraordinary circumstances; b) for self defence against threat of death and/or serious injury; c) for the defence of others against threat of death and/or serious injury.’ This is Indonesian law, taken from the <a href="http://www.ohchr.org/Documents/Publications/training5Add1en.pdf" style="background-image: none; color: #4c5e71; margin: 0px; padding: 0px !important; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;">UN Code of Conduct for Law Enforcement Officials</a>, and this is what should be used to assess police actions, wherever in the country they occur.</div>
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Moreover, much as similar scenarios recur across media reports, the feature of these cases that really stands out is the lack of independent reportage by the media beyond statements provided by the police or BNN. It is rare for reports to contain any indication that the media have investigated further. In fact, media reports often run under headlines that implicitly approve of the killing or at least play up their drama, such as “Bang, a drug dealer shot dead”. Beyond periodic reportage of critical statements by legal aid or human rights organisations, little scrutiny is applied to the rationale for these shooting deaths.</div>
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And yet, as the numbers of narcotics suspects being shot dead in Indonesia grows, there is a clear need for critical reportage to scrutinise the circumstances under which these deaths are occurring.</div>
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<b><i>This article first appeared at Indonesia at Melbourne.</i></b></div>
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.com3tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5079583836622210732.post-68746368728516218972017-09-02T10:55:00.001+08:002017-09-02T10:55:12.614+08:00Rearranging the regionIs regional cooperation forum Manis the way ahead?<div class="content_desc" style="float: left; font-family: Verdana, Geneva, sans-serif; font-size: 12px; height: auto; margin-top: 20px; width: 450px;">
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<b>By: Duncan Graham</b><a class="addthis_button_tweet at300b" href="https://www.blogger.com/null" style="border: none; color: inherit; cursor: pointer; display: inline !important; font-size: 12px; line-height: initial; margin-bottom: 5px; padding: 0px 2px; width: auto;" tw:count="none" tw:size="medium"><div class="tweet_iframe_widget" style="display: inline !important; height: 25px; width: 61px;">
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<em>Photo: Erlinawati Graham</em></div>
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Professor John Blaxland sees the world differently. Particularly Southeast Asia, which he sets as the centerpoint rather than an afterthought<br />
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To help others cope with this unsettling cartography he offers a sweetener – a grouping of nations to better suit new realities than old regimes.<br />
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The globe as drawn by seafarers from afar has Indonesia straddling the Equator. The islands of the archipelago look upwards and see the looming might of China.<br />
Below is the Great South Land, adjacent and inviting. This view is the Australian nightmare, the dread that their empty land will have famished millions tumbling down to smother a European outpost.<br />
Blaxland’s chart squashes this fear of population shift through gravity by flattening the projection so the focus is Darwin, population around 200,000 with satellite suburbs.<br />
The lonely little city atop Australia (the capital Canberra is almost 500 kilometers further away than Jakarta) has been hosting 2,500 US troops on six-month rotations for the past five years. The agreement behind this arrangement remains secret.<br />
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At the closest point Indonesia and Australia are just 200 kilometers apart, near enough to suggest a neighborhood watch might be in order.<br />
Blaxland, head of the Strategic and Defense Studies Centre at the Australian National University, uses his map to glaze the idea of Manis as a regional maritime cooperation <u>forum. The word</u> means “sweet” in bahasa Indonesia, but here it stands for the cluster of Malaysia, Australia, New Zealand, Indonesia and Singapore.<br />
He urges against confusion with the 1971 Five Power Defense Arrangements - the same nations plus the UK but minus Indonesia.<br />
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“Existing forums, like Asean [aged 50] are struggling to reach consensus,” Blaxland told a seminar on Australia and Indonesia Partnerships in the Indo-Pacific held at the University of Western Australia in July.<br />
“A smaller grouping like Manis would see problem solving more achievable for pressing issues that require regional cooperation. It would be best to start slowly, gradually generate goodwill and political momentum.<br />
“Manis would involve collaboration with governments, universities, think tanks, NGOs and community service organizations. Matters to discuss could include police, immigration, border security, legal, judicial, environmental, intelligence, financial and other working groups.<br />
“The groups could exchange information and share concerns. Closer engagement and sharing of experiences could generate fresh ideas.”<br />
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Blaxland is no dreamworld academic. He’s worked in the military and intelligence so knows how to chat to generals, spies and diplomats. He understands the political sensitivities, like not calling his idea an “alliance”.<br />
“With a dose of humility on Australia’s part, and a degree of magnanimous but farsighted Indonesian inclusiveness, the scheme could be made to work,” he said.<br />
Why include a former Dutch colony while the other proposed members have Commonwealth ties?<br />
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“Indonesia’s population and geo-strategic significance astride the maritime arteries connecting the Indian and Pacific Oceans make it the key to multilateral regional maritime cooperation.” In brief, Indonesia is now too important to ignore.<br />
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Forums thrive in the region. Many look good, bloom early then wither in breezes of bland. Blaxland’s word is “cumbersome”.<br />
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One of the most unwieldy in title and management is the Bali Process on People Smuggling, Trafficking in Persons and Related Transnational Crime<i>. </i>Its 45 members include Jordan and Iran, who have more pressing issues almost 10,000 kilometers north-west.<br />
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Manis has been driving around awhile. That it’s still finding parking space on agendas suggests the tank is full. Blaxland keeps steering: “This was always something that would take time to get policy traction - and one that would require Indonesian buy-in.”</div>
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The first model rolled out at a 2013 meeting of Aus-CSCAP. The acronym is unpronounceable but Blaxland reckons the non-government Australian Council for Security Cooperation in the Asia Pacific<i> </i>is a useful informal forum for floating ideas about “political and security issues and challenges facing the region”.<br />
The 2014 election all-change in Jakarta gave Manis a welcome nudge. New President Joko Widodo, a noted landlubber, surprised many by bringing maritime issues ashore for a policy refit.<br />
Foreign Minister Retno Marsudi explained this was to “protect Indonesia’s sovereignty … by responding firmly to any intrusions into Indonesian territory”.<br />
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Implementation involved much theatre as captured foreign fishing boats were blown up once TV crews were in place. <br />
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The big bangs lifted the reputation of President Joko and his unconventional <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Minister_(government)" style="border: none; color: inherit; text-decoration: none;" title="Minister (government)">Minister</a> of <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ministry_of_Marine_Affairs_and_Fisheries_(Indonesia)" style="border: none; color: inherit; text-decoration: none;" title="Ministry of Marine Affairs and Fisheries (Indonesia)">Maritime Affairs and Fisheries</a> Susi Pudjiastuti, a former can-do entrepreneur.<br />
Less well publicized were clashes where Indonesian patrol boats were trounced by better armed Chinese craft. Rhetoric sinks fast when one navy is underequipped.<br />
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Blaxland’s candy got another coating a fortnight after his Perth speech when diplomats from Australia, New Zealand, Malaysia, Brunei, Indonesia and the Philippines gathered to worry about militants. The East Asia Wilayah has been fighting for an Islamic state in Marawi. More than 600 have reportedly been killed in continuing conflict.</div>
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The Filipino city is just 700 kilometers above Indonesia’s Manado, where the talks were held. The envoys said they’d cooperate more closely with intelligence and law enforcement authorities, but didn’t say how.</div>
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This concerns the Jakarta-based Institute for Policy Analysis of Conflict (IPAC). Its July report said that “despite the calls for more regional counter-terrorism cooperation in light of the Marawi siege, there are formidable political and institutional obstacles at work, including Philippine-Malaysian distrust that inhibits information-sharing.” This refers to counter-terrorism responsibilities – police or military?</div>
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Blaxland’s group doesn’t include the Philippines. It may have to if defeated fighters retreat to nearby nations as feared by IPAC director Sidney Jones. Then it would be Manisp, which sounds less than sweet.</div>
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“So far I've briefed it [Manis] in Jakarta to some policy officials and university groups and received very positive feedback,” Blaxland told <i>Strategic Review.</i> “The Indonesian delegation is keen to take it further and we’re exploring a policy forum to discuss it in the next few weeks.</div>
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“I’ve been speaking on this in Malaysia and briefed some New Zealand officials on the idea.</div>
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<b><i>Duncan Graham is a journalist based in East Java.</i></b></div>
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.com3tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5079583836622210732.post-16585209608706986492017-09-02T10:51:00.003+08:002017-09-02T10:51:24.364+08:00Indonesian democracy: from stagnation to regression?<header style="box-sizing: border-box; margin-bottom: 30px;"><div class="meta" datetime="2017-08-17T06:00:14+00:00" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #777777; margin: 0px; padding: 0px;">
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<span class="divider" style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px 8px;"><b>By </b></span><b><a class="author url fn" href="https://www.aspistrategist.org.au/author/eve-warburton/" rel="author" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #777777; line-height: inherit; text-decoration: none;" title="Posts by Eve Warburton">Eve Warburton</a> and <a class="author url fn" href="https://www.aspistrategist.org.au/author/edward-aspinall/" rel="author" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #777777; line-height: inherit; text-decoration: none;" title="Posts by Edward Aspinall">Edward Aspinall</a></b></div>
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For much of the past decade, observers have praised Indonesian democracy. Elections have been competitive, the country boasts a vibrant civil society, and the press enjoys far more freedom than in most Asian states. An analytical consensus thus emerged that Indonesia’s democracy was stable and relatively liberal, with no serious existential threats on the horizon.</div>
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Events since 2014 have cast doubt on that consensus. New signs of fragility have materialised that we believe put Indonesia at risk of democratic regression. That fragility has three sources: re-emergent strands of authoritarian populism from among Indonesia’s old ruling caste, the rise of a xenophobic and sectarian brand of politics, and a sustained illiberal drift in the regulation of civil liberties.</div>
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A neo-authoritarian brand of populism emerged in 2014. Prabowo Subianto, a Suharto-era military general, ran a formidable campaign against Joko Widodo (Jokowi) in the tightly fought presidential election that year. Prabowo represented <a href="https://www.researchgate.net/publication/277971178_Oligarchic_Populism_Prabowo_Subianto%27s_Challenge_to_Indonesian_Democracy" rel="noopener" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #b00736; line-height: inherit; text-decoration: none;" target="_blank">a ‘classically authoritarian-populist challenge’</a>: he suggested that Indonesia was unsuited to Western-style democracy, and blamed ‘foreign forces’ and wealthy minorities for Indonesia’s economic woes. Prabowo lost by just 6%, bringing Indonesia within a whisper of a serious authoritarian threat. That threat hasn’t disappeared. Prabowo enjoys support from his loyal base, and most observers believe he will run in the 2019 presidential elections.</div>
<div style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: inherit; font-size: 1rem; line-height: 1.5; margin-bottom: 0.625rem; margin-top: 0.625rem; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizeLegibility;">
There’s been an upswing in sectarianism too. A coalition of Islamist groups and conservative Islamic organisations, backed by leading politicians, mounted a powerful campaign against Jakarta’s Christian Chinese governor, Basuki Tjahaja Purnama (Ahok). Their efforts proved <a href="http://www.newmandala.org/ahoks-satisfied-non-voters-anatomy/" rel="noopener" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #b00736; line-height: inherit; text-decoration: none;" target="_blank">successful</a>, with Ahok losing the election decisively before being found guilty of blasphemy and sentenced to two years in prison. The victor, Anies Baswedan, allied himself opportunistically with the sectarian campaign, as did his patron, Prabowo Subianto.</div>
<div style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: inherit; font-size: 1rem; line-height: 1.5; margin-bottom: 0.625rem; margin-top: 0.625rem; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizeLegibility;">
There has been <a href="http://www.newmandala.org/ahoks-defeats-say-public-debate-indonesia/" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #b00736; line-height: inherit; text-decoration: none;">much debate</a> about the depth of public support for such campaigns. Prabowo’s narrow loss, and the success of the anti-Ahok protests, suggest a significant constituency for an illiberal brand of politics in Indonesia. <a href="http://indonesiaatmelbourne.unimelb.edu.au/bigger-than-ahok-explaining-jakartas-2-december-mass-rally/" rel="noopener" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #b00736; line-height: inherit; text-decoration: none;" target="_blank">Some analysts</a>, however, are sceptical, and warn against inferring a generalised rise of anti-democratic, especially Islamist, sentiment in the electorate. But the greatest danger lies not in the existence of a constituency for illiberalism, but in the potential coalescence of that group with a reinvigorated authoritarian-populist challenge. The 2014 presidential election and the recent Islamist mobilisations indicate that such a coalition already has significant electoral clout.</div>
<div style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: inherit; font-size: 1rem; line-height: 1.5; margin-bottom: 0.625rem; margin-top: 0.625rem; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizeLegibility;">
We also note an increasing propensity among political leaders to <a href="http://www.newmandala.org/economic-injustice-identity-politics-indonesia/" rel="noopener" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #b00736; line-height: inherit; text-decoration: none;" target="_blank">craft ethnically-charged narratives</a> about the nature of wealth distribution. Such politicians decry the growing gap between rich and poor, and suggest that rising inequality has an ethno-religious dimension, with poor Muslim masses exploited by a small but wealthy ethnic-Chinese and Christian minority. Sinophobic discourse has a long history in Indonesia; its re-emergence should ring alarm bells, given that it has in the past often led to anti-Chinese violence.</div>
<div style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: inherit; font-size: 1rem; line-height: 1.5; margin-bottom: 0.625rem; margin-top: 0.625rem; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizeLegibility;">
Perhaps most concerning, however, is the slow, insidious, illiberal drift in the laws and regulations governing civil liberties in Indonesia. Laws on defamation, treason and blasphemy, for example, are ripe for political manipulation. We’ve also seen a serious deterioration in the protection of minority rights, particularly for religious minorities and Indonesia’s LGBTI community. That drift began under President Yudhoyono, prompting a change in Indonesia’s Freedom House score from ‘free’ to <a href="https://freedomhouse.org/country/indonesia" rel="noopener" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #b00736; line-height: inherit; text-decoration: none;" target="_blank">‘partly free’</a> in 2013, and has been sustained during the first half of Jokowi’s presidency.</div>
<div style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: inherit; font-size: 1rem; line-height: 1.5; margin-bottom: 0.625rem; margin-top: 0.625rem; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizeLegibility;">
What role has Jokowi played in Indonesia’s slow-moving democratic regression? He won office in 2014 on a largely democratic and inclusive platform, with the support of volunteers and civil society activists. Yet since coming to office, Jokowi has pursued a narrow, conservative developmentalist agenda, with little concern for democratic reform or human rights.</div>
<div style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: inherit; font-size: 1rem; line-height: 1.5; margin-bottom: 0.625rem; margin-top: 0.625rem; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizeLegibility;">
The president’s attempt to neutralise the perceived threat from Islamist groups is a case in point. In July, spooked by the Ahok mobilisations, Jokowi issued a regulation that enables the government to disband organisations it deems a threat to national unity or Pancasila, the state ideology. The target was Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI). Indonesia already has a <a href="http://www.newmandala.org/jokowi-forges-tool-repression/" rel="noopener" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #b00736; line-height: inherit; text-decoration: none;" target="_blank">law to shut down groups</a> like HTI. But Jokowi wanted to avoid legislated checks and balances, and so designed a tool that could have come straight from an autocrat’s playbook.</div>
<div style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: inherit; font-size: 1rem; line-height: 1.5; margin-bottom: 0.625rem; margin-top: 0.625rem; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizeLegibility;">
Jokowi is proving to be an impatient, reactive leader. He is readily unsettled by political threats and, like many in Indonesia’s political class, seems comfortable using illiberal tools to defend his political position.</div>
<div style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: inherit; font-size: 1rem; line-height: 1.5; margin-bottom: 0.625rem; margin-top: 0.625rem; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizeLegibility;">
There are, no doubt, many who welcome Jokowi’s heavy-handed approach to groups like HTI, which are themselves undemocratic, illiberal and xenophobic. But it’s striking that neither President Jokowi nor other political leaders framed that approach as a defence of Indonesia’s democracy or civil liberties. Instead, they justified it as a defence of Pancasila—the same tactic used by President Suharto when cracking down on opposition.</div>
<div style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: inherit; font-size: 1rem; line-height: 1.5; margin-bottom: 0.625rem; margin-top: 0.625rem; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizeLegibility;">
It’s tempting to see these signs of democratic regression as isolated incidents. But we need only look at countries like the Philippines and Turkey to see how once-stable democracies can deteriorate in the hands of democratically elected leaders.</div>
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Indonesia is clearly not in the midst of a full-blown democratic breakdown. There is no coherent attack on elections, opposition parties or civic space. But we must pay attention to growing signs of fragility in one of the region’s last remaining democracies.</div>
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.com3tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5079583836622210732.post-5176663641566978702017-09-02T10:48:00.000+08:002017-09-02T10:48:10.459+08:00Indonesia - A Smoking Paradise<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt;"><b><i>As Western countries place increasing pressure on the
large cigarette companies <o:p></o:p></i></b></span></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt;"><b><i><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>they have now found
the ‘perfect’ market.... </i></b><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<b>Ross B. Taylor AM</b></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 14.0pt;">Arrive at Indonesia’s
international airport in Jakarta, and you can’t miss the number of billboards
telling you that smoking is ‘part of the good life’. And if you believe the
message of these large and imposing advertisements, smoking is even better if
you are young and are seeking ‘fun, happiness’ and an ‘active’ life. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 14.0pt;">As western countries like
Australia and the US A enforce even stronger bans and taxes on the use of
tobacco products, the major manufacturers have not reformed their ways. Like paedophiles
they have just moved to a newer and younger marketplace, and in this respect
Indonesia has proven fertile ground.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 14.0pt;">With 250 million people, many
who are young and on low incomes, and desperately in need of work, the tobacco
industry has provided much needed income and job security. Today the industry
employs over ten million Indonesians and puts more than US$12.5 billion annually
into the economy.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 14.0pt;">With ‘only’ 73 million people
smoking there exists outstanding opportunities for tobacco companies to expand
their businesses by marketing cigarettes to younger people. Go to any nightclub
in Jakarta and you will find plenty of young, well-dressed and good looking
Indonesian girls and men promoting cigarettes with offers of free samples to
anyone passing buy.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 14.0pt;">Duncan Graham, a journalist
based in Malang tells of a giant billboard that promotes smoking by proudly
stating,<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>“Never Quit”. ”And they don’t”,
says Graham.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 14.0pt;">But the greatest marketing
ploy has been in the pricing. Local cigarettes (called ‘Kreteks’) can be
purchased for less than one dollar whilst well-known brands such as ‘Marlboro’ or
‘LA Lights’ can be bought for just A$1.90 a pack. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>With massive economies-of-scale, low taxes and
cheap labour, even at these prices companies can make millions of dollars
profit each year. But more importantly-and strategically - they get the young
people ‘hooked’ for life and thus guarantee strong demand for years to come!<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 14.0pt;">The cigarettes can be bought
almost anywhere by kids, young adults or anyone who wants them. This is – by
every measurement- truly ‘nirvana’ for the big cigarette companies such as
Philip Morris. And their smokes can be ‘enjoyed’ in restaurants, pubs, theatres
without any consideration for those who do not wish to consume the poisonous
fumes.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 14.0pt;">So at what cost do liberal,
or no smoking, laws come to the health of Indonesians?<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 14.0pt;">Statistics are not that
reliable but research by Dr Sarah Barber of the Berkeley University in the USA
suggests that over 400,000 Indonesians every year die as a direct result of
smoking. A further 25,000 people die from passive smoking.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 14.0pt;">The impact on families as a
result of these deaths and the misery and desperation cannot be measured.
Indonesia’s health system is not designed to cater for such a large and growing
number of smoking-related cases, so for many they simply die at home ‘with
cancer’.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 14.0pt;">What is known is that
approximately 11% of the family budget in Indonesia is spent on smoking
compared to 2% on health and 2% on education. The amount spent on smoking is
more than double that of what is spent on meat, fish and eggs for example.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 14.0pt;">As Dr Barber points out, if
smoking expenditure was to be reduced, the money would not be ‘put under the
bed’ as many Indonesians have very low savings rates. Any surplus money would
inevitably be spent on more productive items such as food and lifestyle
activities that would <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">improve</i> one’s
health; not <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">destroy</i> it, whilst also assisting
the overall economy.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 14.0pt;">So why doesn’t Indonesia move
to either ban or at least restrict the promotion and marketing of smoking?
Sadly, Indonesia - in the short term – believes it needs the cigarette industry.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 14.0pt;">For many Indonesians who are
forced to live on a day-to-day basis, the concept of giving up their job and
income today (Indonesia has no unemployment scheme) in return for better health
in ten years time, would be met with complete cynicism and anger. And the
tobacco companies know it! This is a truly captive market.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 14.0pt;">Australians have also been
educated by strong and active anti-cancer lobby groups who have, thankfully,
informed us of the dangers of smoking. Such groups in Indonesia, if they even did
exist, would be hunted down and destroyed under the argument that they are
sentencing thousands of people to unemployment and poverty.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 14.0pt;">In the meantime, the owners
of the major companies manufacturing cigarettes in Indonesia, holiday in their <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>overseas mansions – including here in Perth - knowing
that in years to come thousands of young people in their home country will
suffer a terrifying and premature death, as a result of the boom in cigarette
consumption, whilst leaving the dreams and hopes of their children ‘up in
smoke’.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt;">Ross Taylor is an active cancer
campaigner and author of “Living Simply with Cancer” in Australia and the
president of the WA-Based Indonesia Institute Inc.<o:p></o:p></span></i></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt;">August 2017</span></i></b><span style="font-size: 14.0pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.com3tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5079583836622210732.post-69810810054685152082017-08-10T21:33:00.003+08:002017-08-10T21:40:01.055+08:00Book review: Where Australia collides with Asia<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
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<br />
<div class="MsoNormal">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/null" name="_GoBack"></a><i><b>Ian Burnet: <span style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Where Australia Collides with Asia: The Epic Voyages of Joseph Banks,
Charles Darwin, Alfred Russel Wallace and the origin of “On the Origin of
Species”, </span>Rosenberg, 2017, 206 pp. $34.95.</b></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
Reviewed by Ron Witton (<a href="mailto:rwitton44@gmail.com">rwitton44@gmail.com</a>)</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
Those of us who have learned Indonesian/Malay can well
recall being told how its vocabulary provides evidence of the archipelago’s place
in world history. This is reflected, like archaeological layers, in the
language. The initial, lowest, stratum of the language is drawn from the
Malayo-Polynesian family of languages that stretches westwards to Madagascar and
eastwards to Tahiti and Hawaii. Over time, the language gained additional
layers of vocabulary as the Indonesian/Malay archipelago with its very valuable
spice islands became integrated into the world’s trade routes: first a layer of
Sanskrit from India; then Arabic words from the Middle East; and then topped
off with a final “layer” of words drawn from European languages.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
Ian Burnet, in his latest book on the Indonesian
archipelago, reminds us that for eons preceding the arrival of humans, the
Indonesian archipelago was already a meeting place, not of peoples but of the great
geological forces that would shape the world that humans were later to inhabit.
His book focuses on the lives and ideas of Joseph Banks, Charles Darwin and
Alfred Russel Wallace, three of Britain’s most adventurous early naturalists to
come to our part of the globe, who played a central role in our understanding
of the effect of these geological forces on the diversity of life forms in the
natural world.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
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When Gondwana broke up, the Australian tectonic plate came
adrift and has travelled north colliding with Asia. Eastern Indonesia rests on
that plate. The plate carries on it flora and fauna (eg marsupials and birds)
common to Australia and to those parts of the southern hemisphere such as
Africa and South America, to which it was once joined as part of Gondwana. As the
Australian plate continues to drift northwards, it pushes against the tectonic
plates on which Asia rests causing the volcanic eruptions and earthquakes of
this volatile part of the globe. The western half of Indonesia rests on the
Asian tectonic plate and has flora and fauna, such as tigers and elephants, which
are strikingly different to the natural world of eastern Indonesia and Australia.
Many of us know of this division of Indonesia’s flora and fauna through
learning about the “Wallace Line”, that passes to the east of Bali and
Kalimantan, which is named after Alfred Russel Wallace, one of the three
figures about whom this book is written</div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
What Ian Burnet achieves in his wonderfully illustrated and
narrated book is to relate the important role the Indonesian archipelago has played
in the intellectual history of the West<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">.</i></b> In their separate voyages Banks,
Darwin and Wallace discovered the astounding diversity of the southern
hemisphere’s natural world, and it was through their observations that the enlightenment
truly came of age. Western thought found it could not reconcile the static divine
word of the Bible with the diverse and ever-evolving scientific reality of the
natural world.</div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
Not only do we come to appreciate the fundamental intellectual
and scientific importance of the voyages taken by these seminal scientific
figures, but Ian Burnet’s very perceptive use of quotes from their public writings
and private diaries allow us to see through their eyes the world they found and
understand the intellectual problems it raised for them. Moreover, in the case
of Darwin and Wallace, we enter into their very troubled worlds as they tried
to explain the diversity of life they found. We come to understand the way that
they separately arrived at the principle of “the survival of the fittest” and
that this led them, inexorably, to deny the validity of creationism and hence the
God-given “truth” of the Bible. The way that Darwin’s fear of confronting the
church weighed on his mind, and led to him resisting publicising his ideas for
some 14 years, is a salutary reminder of the somewhat precarious position of
science in the nineteenth century. While it is true that people were no longer
burnt at the stake for questioning religious tenets, Ian Burnet documents the
way that scientists, politicians and even former friends vituperously denounced
both Darwin and Wallace. Indeed, Pope Pius IX placed Darwin’s <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">On the Origin of Species</i> on the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Index Expurgatorius</i> in order to prohibit
Catholics from reading it. </div>
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<br /></div>
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Of particular interest is the way that Wallace and Darwin
separately conceived of what is now referred to as “Darwinism”. It is also
fascinating to learn of the civil manner in which the fraught problem of
scientific precedence was resolved between them, and lead to their close
friendship in later life.</div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
There is another perceptive dimension to Ian Burnet’s book.
Just as the Indonesian/Malay language has layers to its vocabulary reflecting
its historical development, and the archipelago rides on tectonic plates atop
the earth’s geological layers, Ian Burnet’s study perceptively illustrates the
tiers of Britain’s class structure through the social backgrounds of the book’s
three protagonists.<span style="font-size: 13.5pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"></span></div>
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<br /></div>
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The top layer is represented by Sir Joseph Banks, a leisured
member of the British ruling class, who was born into a family of extremely
wealthy landowners. Following his voyage with Cook, he was a national celebrity
and revelled in the attention. He was elected as President of the Royal Society
in 1778, a position he held for the next forty-one years. Among his other
positions was being an adviser to the Kew Gardens, a member of the Board of
Agriculture, overseeing the Royal Greenwich Observatory and being a trustee of
the British Museum. No wonder his astounding and vast collection of previously
unknown plants, mammals, reptiles, birds, insects and marine creatures carefully
bought home from his travels failed to obtain from him the degree of often
tedious attention required to describe, draw and classify them as a prelude to
producing scholarly works. Indeed, his superb <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Florilegium</i> did not see the light of day until it was published by
the British Museum in the 1980's.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
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Darwin, being the son of a prosperous country doctor, was somewhat
lower down the English social scale than Banks. Although neither Banks nor
Darwin ever had to work for their living, the manner of their travels reflected
their differential social status. When Banks learned of Cook’s proposed 1768
expedition to the Pacific to view the transit of Venus, he wrote to the
Admiralty expressing his wish to accompany Cook on the voyage. Being a fellow of
the Royal Society and a friend of Lord Sandwich, Banks’ request was granted. Banks
contributed <span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">£</span>10,000
of his own money so that he could travel in style in the somewhat limited space
of the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Endeavour</i>. His private party consisted
of the Swedish naturalist Daniel Solander, the Finnish botanist Herman Sp<span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">ö</span>ring, two personal
assistants, two servants and his two hunting dogs. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
In contrast, Darwin’s opportunity to travel was far less
planned and almost serendipitous. He had been a somewhat unenthusiastic
university student but was an avid naturalist. When he heard that Captain Robert
FitzRoy was interested in having a “gentleman scientist” to accompany him on the<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"> Beagle</i>, the young Darwin was most
desirous of joining the forthcoming trip. However, despite having no need to
work and being free to do whatever he liked, he had first to convince his
father to let him go. Darwin’s father considered Darwin’s interest in being a
naturalist as a waste of time and saw as foolhardy the proposed voyage that
would last for many years. When his father at last relented, Darwin was able to
depart on the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Beagle </i>in 1831. In
contrast to Banks, Darwin travelled alone and had to deal with Captain FitzRoy’s
often dark and unstable temperament. However, en route, he had the means to engage
the services of one of the Beagle’s crew, Syms Covington, as his “shooter”.
Covington remained in his employ until Covington migrated to Australia in 1839.
Many of us know of this relationship through Roger McDonald’s wonderful novel, <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Mr Darwin’s Shooter</i>.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
Alfred Russel Wallace, in contrast to Banks and Darwin, was
born into an impoverished middle-class family with seven children and had to
leave school at the age of fourteen. Wallace lived virtually his whole working
life on the edge of economic disaster. Despite often being reduced to poverty,
he was able, through his devotion to naturalism and exploration, to make money
selling specimens to British collectors. Despite his life being often one of
privation and hardship, the years he spent in eastern Indonesia from 1854 to
1862 during which he collected more than 126,000 specimens, made him one of the
world’s foremost naturalists. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
While Banks travelled in style with his large party and
Darwin had funds to employ Syms Covington, Wallace travelled and worked alone
until he recruited a fifteen-year-old Malay boy named Ali as his apprentice.
Ali, whom Wallace taught to shoot and skin birds, accompanied him on his
travels around Indonesia. During their travels, Ali cooked for Wallace, nursed
him back to health during his various illnesses, and helped save both their
lives through his boating skills. It is through Wallace’s own words that we
come to understand the affection that Wallace held for Ali and serves as an
example of the way that the inclusion of copious quotes from the diaries of
Banks, Darwin and Wallace makes the book such a delight to read.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
While Banks lived out his years as a celebrity member of
British society and Darwin had a country home where he could devote himself to
his studies, Wallace returned to a precarious life in England only slightly
ameliorated by the sales of his highly popular book <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The Malay Archipelago</i>. It was only when Darwin secured for him a
government pension in 1881 that he finally gained a measure of financial
security.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
Like the geology of the earth we live on, and like British
society that founded modern Australia, this wonderfully enlightening and
delightful book is many-layered.</div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5079583836622210732.post-28177123315342714732017-08-01T13:14:00.004+08:002017-08-01T13:14:45.894+08:00Australia in ASEAN: Indonesian centrality<header>
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<br /></div>
<div class="meta" datetime="2017-07-24T06:00:46+00:00" style="text-align: center;">
<b>By <a class="author url fn" href="https://www.aspistrategist.org.au/author/graeme-dobell/" rel="author" title="Posts by Graeme Dobell">Graeme Dobell</a></b></div>
</header>
<div class="entry-content">
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<span class="share-label"><br /></span></div>
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<figure><img class="size-full wp-image-33036 aligncenter" src="https://www.aspistrategist.org.au/wp-content/uploads/2017/07/640px-Malcolm_Turnbull_and_Joko_Widodo_Jakarta_10.jpg" /></figure>
The roller-coaster nature of Australia’s history with Indonesia—high
moments of great optimism, low periods of clash and argument—means that
Indonesia’s foreign policy elite is cautious when contemplating the idea
of Australia joining ASEAN. But it’s something that Australia’s policy
elite might well contemplate.<br />
<br />
As one example of Australia’s thinking about Indonesia, note Tony
Abbott’s view that it’s ‘in many respects our most important overall
relationship’. Heading off to <a href="http://www.theaustralian.com.au/national-affairs/foreign-affairs/jakarta-relations-beyond-boats-says-tony-abbott/story-fn59nm2j-1226724097032" rel="noopener" target="_blank">Jakarta on his first overseas trip as PM</a>
in 2013, Abbott saw the approach to Indonesia as vital: ‘It’s probably
not realistic to think of Australia having the same relationship as it
has with New Zealand but that’s the direction you would like it to move
in.’<br />
<br />
The Oz–Kiwi relationship has a depth of history and culture that
we’ll never have with Indonesia. But Abbott is surely right that
Indonesia is a central factor in Australia’s regional future. I could
offer quotes of a similar tenor from every Australian PM going back to
Menzies (although the Menzies embrace of the idea of living with
Indonesia forever was deeply coloured by <a href="https://www.aspistrategist.org.au/extraordinary-triangle-australia-png-indonesia/" rel="noopener" target="_blank">dread</a>).<br />
<br />
As another example, see Paul Keating’s 2012 <a href="http://www.keating.org.au/shop/item/keith-murdoch-oration-state-library-of-victoria" rel="noopener" target="_blank">Murdoch lecture</a>, in which he argued that Indonesia will become Australia’s most important strategic partner:<br />
<blockquote>
How things go in the Indonesian archipelago, in many
respects, so go we. Indonesia remains the place where Australia’s
strategic bread is buttered. No country is more important to us—and it
is a country which has shown enormous tolerance and goodwill towards us.
Focus on this country should be a major imperative driving our foreign
policy.</blockquote>
An Australian move to join ASEAN would be about the centrality of
Southeast Asia to our strategic and economic future. And at the heart of
that equation is Indonesia.<br />
<br />
A discussion of <a href="https://www.aspistrategist.org.au/50-years-asean-australian-membership/" rel="noopener" target="_blank">Australia joining ASEAN</a>
is also a way to conceptualise a deeper association with Indonesia. The
importance of Indonesia should feed into the understanding of what
Australia could do with ASEAN. The bilateral builds towards the
regional, just as the regional fosters the bilateral.<br />
<br />
The previous Indonesian foreign minister, <a href="http://www.afr.com/news/marty-natalegawa-says-asean-being-torn-apart-as-china-gains-upper-hand-20161215-gtbqsw" rel="noopener" target="_blank">Marty Natalegawa</a> (2009–2014), rejects <a href="http://www.afr.com/news/politics/world/paul-keating-pushes-for-australia-to-join-asean-20160830-gr4zzj" rel="noopener" target="_blank">Keating’s call</a>
for Australia to join ASEAN, arguing that it’d be a distraction for
ASEAN and could even inflame tensions inside Australia about our
alignment with Asia. Natalegawa’s two big worries are China tearing
apart ASEAN and the Jokowi administration musing about a ‘post-ASEAN’
diplomacy.<br />
<br />
In both areas, Canberra should argue that a bigger Australian role in
ASEAN would be more of an asset than a hindrance. Australia joining
ASEAN would help, not hurt, the middle-power game with China.<br />
Natalegawa’s predecessor as foreign minister, Hasan Wirajuda
(2001–2009), took a more technocratic approach when I spoke to him about
Australia joining ASEAN. Wirajuda pointed to the formal veto—not being
part of Southeast Asia —plus an informal rule that a member of ASEAN
can’t be part of another regional grouping, as Australia is in the
Pacific Islands Forum.<br />
<br />
The response to those points is that Australia, as a nation on its
own continent, has a series of regions. And formal rules can be changed
as circumstances change.<br />
In discussing the Australia-into-ASEAN idea, Wirajuda says he sees it
as a replay of the debate within ASEAN about admitting Australia (and
New Zealand) to the East Asia Summit: ‘I communicated with my
counterparts, early on, especially when Australia was invited to joined
the EAS, and said, accelerate the process of integration of Australia
into this region, first into ASEAN but then into a larger
community-building process.’<br />
<br />
Wirajuda says the integration argument succeeded in the EAS, but failed when he was pushing for Australia to be admitted to the <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chiang_Mai_Initiative" rel="noopener" target="_blank">Chiang Mai Initiative</a>,
the currency swap arrangement between ASEAN, China, Japan and South
Korea. He’d strongly supported Australia joining Chiang Mai, but China
was even more emphatic in rejecting Australian membership.<br />
<br />
Wirajuda’s advice on Australia’s way ahead with ASEAN: ‘I think
Australia should make itself more accepted by the region. Speed up your
integration—less in a formal process—more in substance.’ He thinks that
integration could lead to the moment when ASEAN admits Australia,
initially as a half-member with observer status—shifting Australia from
the status it has had since 1974 as an ASEAN dialogue partner.<br />
‘I think in the future we should be open, ASEAN should be open to
create this special status of observer’, Wirajuda says. ‘So far we work
under the ASEAN-plus-one dialogue process, we have a regular dialogue
process with Australia. In effect, it would not be much different with
observer status, as the ASEAN-plus-one dialogue is done back-to-back
with the summit. To me, the margin of difference between dialogue
partner and observer is not so much.’<br />
<br />
I asked Wirajuda whether reaching for Australian ASEAN membership
would be seen as too ambitious, raising too many questions for ASEAN.
Ever the diplomat, Wirajuda replied with a meditation on whether
Australia would be able to play by the club rules: ‘In the dialogue
process, ASEAN-plus-one, our partners can raise anything. But, of
course, our partners know how the consensus decision-making process
works in ASEAN, which also is perhaps a handicap for our partners.’<br />
<br />
Australia’s shift towards ASEAN could happen in step with the
broadening and deepening of what Australia seeks to do with Indonesia.
That is the perspective of a former head of Singapore’s Ministry of
Foreign Affairs, Kishore Mahbubani. <a href="https://www.aspistrategist.org.au/australia-into-asean-the-asean-yes/" rel="noopener" target="_blank">Here he is making the yes case</a>
for Australia’s ASEAN membership. And here are Mahbubani’s further
thoughts on how Australia’s embrace of its strategic and economic future
in Southeast Asia would move in step with its central relationship,
with Indonesia:<br />
<blockquote>
Your relations with Indonesia have got to change. You
have to show much greater sensitivity to them, closeness to them. Right
now you have a good formal relationship, but it’s all about
government-to-government, not a heart-to-heart relationship with
Indonesia. Mind you, I don’t expect a big-bang change. I think it will
be gradual for Australia.</blockquote>
Australia’s gradual movement towards Indonesia must be closer and deeper, just as it must be with ASEAN.<br />
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<i><strong>Graeme Dobell is the ASPI journalist fellow. Image courtesy of <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Australia%E2%80%93Indonesia_relations#/media/File:Malcolm_Turnbull_and_Joko_Widodo,_Jakarta_10.jpg" rel="noopener" target="_blank">Wikimedia Commons</a>.</strong></i><br />
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.com3tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5079583836622210732.post-6204330665063379932017-08-01T13:07:00.001+08:002017-08-01T13:07:46.938+08:00Australia Plus is a minus<h2>
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<div style="text-align: center;">
<b><span class="autor">BY <a class="author url fn" href="http://asaa.asn.au/author/duncan-graham/" rel="author" title="Posts by Duncan Graham">Duncan Graham</a></span></b></div>
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<b><span class="autor"> </span></b></div>
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<span data-src="http://asaa.asn.au/wp-content/uploads/2017/07/AFL-AShawks-621x408.jpg"><img alt="image description" src="http://asaa.asn.au/wp-content/uploads/2017/07/AFL-AShawks-621x408.jpg" /></span>
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<strong> </strong><br />
<em class="mark1">Australia is failing to broadcast its best television into Southeast Asia, a serious missed opportunity, argues Duncan Graham</em><br />
<em class="mark2">Most nations strive to show their best sides to the
world through international TV channels, seen as effective means of
building rapport and dispelling distrust.</em><br />
<br />
On these platforms they serve documentaries, dramas and newscasts made to enhance their country’s real or imagined virtues. <em> BBC World, France 24, Al Jazeera, NHK (Japan), Deutsche Welle </em>and other telecasters offer vistas grand using serious money.<br />
<br />
The French Government is reported to spend A$117 million a year on <em>France 24 </em>while Russia’s <em>RT</em> channel is believed to have an annual budget of US$300 million. The <em>Voice of America</em> has US$218 million, all from government funds. Now China is expanding its overseas reach with <em>China Central Television</em>.<br />
We have <em>Australia Plus</em>, run by the Australian Broadcasting
Corporation with the help of Monash University, the Government of
Victoria, and Swisse – a food supplement manufacturer owned by a Hong
Kong-based company.<br />
<br />
Through this service we give the world <em>Bananas in Pyjamas, Giggle and Hoot </em>and
Australian Rules played seriously by no other country apart from a
hybrid in Ireland. Yet we live in a region where projecting a positive
image among the near neighbours is particularly important as the biggest
in the block have reservations about us.<br />
<div class="visual alignleft">
<span data-alt="image description" data-picture="">
<span data-src="http://asaa.asn.au/wp-content/uploads/2017/07/Bananas-300x284.jpg"><img alt="image description" src="http://asaa.asn.au/wp-content/uploads/2017/07/Bananas-300x284.jpg" /></span>
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<i>Bananas in Pyjamas, B1 and B2 Source: Wikimedia Commons</i></div>
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According to a recent survey published by the USAsia Centre,
Indonesians responded to the question: which country has the closest
relationship with President Joko Widodo’s government? Saudi Arabia was
first at 47 per cent, followed by China, and the US. Only two per cent
said Australia. Clearly, we have problems.<br />
<h3>
A strange message to the region<strong><br />
</strong></h3>
Our presentations to the Asia–Pacific used to be different. For
decades, Australian governments believed that broadcasting and
telecasting into the region was an important commitment, sowing ideas,
informing and influencing.<br />
Using shortwave, Radio Australia started in 1939, mainly to counter
Japanese propaganda. After the war, it became a ‘soft power diplomacy
tool’ in the jargon of Foreign Affairs. Other terms commonly found in
the literature include ‘globally connected’ and ‘promotion of Australian
values’.<br />
Thousands developed their English skills huddled over crackling sets,
particularly during the 1950s–60s. Technology forced changes.
Satellites eclipsed land-based transmitters. Re-brands became necessary
but the vision remained and the mission expanded.<br />
<br />
In 2006, Foreign Minister Alexander Downer announced that ABC Asia
Pacific (formerly Australia Television International) would become <em>Australia Network</em>, with funding from his department plus advertising.<br />
<br />
Downer said the ABC would run the network offering ‘high quality
programs about Australia and its engagement with the region’. Also
promised were ‘extensive news and current affairs programs,
Australian-produced education, drama, entertainment and lifestyle
programs’.<br />
<br />
In 2011, the Labor Government called tenders to run <em>Australia</em> <em>Network</em>. The two main hopefuls were the ABC and <em>Sky TV</em>
which had long campaigned to get the job. When it seemed Rupert
Murdoch’s company—no friend of Labor—would get the contract, the tender
process was scrapped and the job given to the ABC.<br />
<blockquote>
The failure to use the opportunity well is irresponsible</blockquote>
The victory was short-lived. After the Liberal-National Coalition won government in 2013, <em>Australia Network</em>
was turned off. Foreign Minister Julie Bishop said the network ‘had
failed to deliver a cost-effective vehicle’, but provided no facts to
back the claim.<br />
The then ABC managing director Mark Scott said the decision ‘sends a
strange message to the region that the Government does not want to use
the most powerful communication tools available to it to talk to our
regional neighbours about Australia’.<br />
<br />
The failure to use the opportunity well is irresponsible.<br />
<br />
Killing off the network may have satisfied a political ideology but a
legal reality had to be faced. The ABC Charter requires it to be an
international broadcaster, so the gap had to be filled.<br />
At the site for <a href="http://thediplomat.com/2016/08/australia-plus-abc-international-means-business/"><em>Australia Plus</em></a>,
the image polishers have called it ‘…an opportunity for Australian
businesses and a case study in corporate entrepreneurship … an endeavour
that should be applauded. It is a positive step for the broadcaster,
for public institutions in general and for Australian business.’<br />
So far, few corporates have clapped because their logos are yet to
appear on Indonesian screens. The 360 Australian businesses that
launched a mighty assault on the Indonesian market in 2015, and again
this year with 120 delegates, are absent from the list of sponsors.<br />
<blockquote>
It might be logical to assume we would be offering our best and brightest programs</blockquote>
The new service is believed to cost A$20 million a year, with three
‘foundation partners’—in the coy language of one report—‘signing on to
advertising deals worth in the low single-digit <a href="http://www.afr.com/business/media-and-marketing/tv/abc-international-signs-three-commercial-partners-for-australia-plus-20160815-gqszjv">million dollar range</a>’. Presumably, this means somewhere between one and three million a year, so still a minority contribution.<br />
As Australian leaders recite the mantra that our relationship with
Indonesia is our most important foreign relationship, it might be
logical to assume we would be offering our best and brightest programs,
selected specifically for the archipelago and other markets.<br />
<br />
<div class="visual alignleft">
<span data-alt="image description" data-picture="">
<span data-src="http://asaa.asn.au/wp-content/uploads/2017/07/Home_and_Away_Filming-300x200.jpg"><img alt="image description" src="http://asaa.asn.au/wp-content/uploads/2017/07/Home_and_Away_Filming-300x200.jpg" /></span>
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<div class="wp-caption-text">
On set for Home and Away Photo: <a href="https://www.flickr.com/people/11287317@N04">John Campbell</a> Source: Wikimedia Commons</div>
</div>
According to the ABC ‘the service is delivered as a single stream
across all territories. Programs do not have separate versions for
individual territories.’ So it is one-size-fits-all in the 43 countries
that get <em>Australia Plus. </em>This negates the broadcaster’s claim that ‘the ABC places the audience at the centre of everything it does’.<br />
<br />
In Indonesia, three pay-to-use cable services carry <em>Australia Plus.</em>
They get it free. The ABC says it is ‘available to three million
people in Indonesia.’ This means the number who pay for access to
networks each offering 50 or more channels.<br />
<br />
We are the closest Western nation to Indonesia with the ability to
present a different perspective in the media jungle of Southeast Asia. <em>Australia Plus</em>
says its mission is ‘to provide a television and digital service that
informs, entertains and inspires our audience with an uniquely
Australian perspective.’ Note the order of priorities.<br />
<br />
Indonesian viewers comparing <em>Australia Plus</em> with
presentations from other nations might conclude that we are a poor
country offering inconsistent fare, and indifferent to audience needs.<br />
<h3>
No lack of skills and talent, just lack of political will</h3>
This situation may not concern the Government but it appears to worry
the ABC. In March this year it made an untitled submission to the <em>Foreign Policy White Paper</em>.<br />
The <a href="http://dfat.gov.au/whitepaper/submissions/documents/170314-663-Australian-Broadcasting-Corporation">DFAT document</a>
noted the expansion of the BBC World Service and other TV networks into
overseas telecasting while reminding DFAT of some original principles:
‘Australia requires a strategy for engagement which enhances mutual
understanding and respect and which encourages an exchange of ideas.
Establishing strong cultural and social links with international
populations will facilitate stronger economic ties and more productive
collaboration.’<br />
<br />
Perhaps this late prod to conscience might someday get a reaction.
However, so far nothing seems to stir the major parties. They enjoy ABC
and SBS excellence at home and offer heart-warming statements about
Australia being respected in the region.<br />
<br />
If Australia’s overseas TV is supposed to project a robust Western
democracy, a creative explorer of art and technology and a leader in
education, then <em>Australia Plus</em> is a turn-off. It could be a
splendid showcase in Indonesia and the other nations where it is
available, spreading Australian news, culture, values and opinions,
equal to its international competitors.<br />
<br />
We have the skills and talent. What we lack is political will.<br />
<br />
<i><b>(This article is based on a<a href="http://indonesianow.blogspot.com.au/2017/07/australia-plus-is-minus-merit.html"> paper</a> presented at the Indonesia Council Open Conference at Flinders University.)</b></i>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com3tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5079583836622210732.post-70113651590381468032017-07-02T14:35:00.004+08:002017-07-02T14:35:37.977+08:00Between persecution and prosecution: vigilantes, the state and the politics of offence.<div class="field field-name-post-date field-type-ds field-label-hidden">
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<a href="http://indonesiaatmelbourne.unimelb.edu.au/author/sana/"><br />
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<i><b>By: Sana Jaffrey and</b></i><i><b> Siswo Mulyartono</b></i>
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<br /><figure class="wp-caption alignleft" id="attachment_1660" style="width: 1439px;"><img alt="" class="size-full wp-image-1660" height="723" src="http://indonesiaatmelbourne.unimelb.edu.au/wp-content/uploads/2017/06/Fiera-Lovita-NET-e1497997229675.jpg" width="1439" /><figcaption class="wp-caption-text">Dr
Fiera Lovita, from Solok in West Sumatra, fled to Jakarta after she was
intimidated by members of the Islamic Defenders Front FPI). <em>Screenshot of press conference broadcast by Net.</em></figcaption></figure>
<br />
Indonesia has had a tumultuous year dealing with a divisive election
and massive protests against Jakarta’s former governor, led by the
Islamic Defenders’ Front (FPI). Things finally appeared to calm down
last month, until the <a class="ext" href="http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2017/05/29/rizieq-shihab-named-suspect-in-pornography-case-while-abroad.html" target="_blank">police charged FPI’s firebrand leader,<span class="ext"><span class="element-invisible"> (link is external)</span></span></a>
Rizieq Shihab, in a pornography case. Since then, a series of incidents
involving intimidation of FPI critics has renewed public outcry about
aggression by hard-line religious groups. This time, at the centre of
the storm is no loud-mouthed politician. It is a 15-year-old boy.<br />
<br />
A <a class="ext" href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dlj5QFCMrW8" target="_blank">video that went viral<span class="ext"><span class="element-invisible"> (link is external)</span></span></a>
last week shows the teenager, accused of posting offensive material
about Rizieq on his Facebook page, surrounded by several men claiming
affiliation with the FPI. As the mob coerces him into reading an
apology, the teen is repeatedly told that other offenders have suffered a
much worse fate. “We, at the FPI still follow procedure but people
can’t contain themselves if their leader is insulted.” As if to
demonstrate, two men strike the teenager while the crowd breaks into
raucous laughter.<br />
<br />
<a class="ext" href="http://nasional.kompas.com/read/2017/06/04/18080011/peneliti.safe.net.ada.tren.peningkatan.korban.persekusi" target="_blank">Data compiled by free-speech advocacy network SAFEnet<span class="ext"><span class="element-invisible"> (link is external)</span></span></a>
shows that the harassment of the Jakarta-based teenager is part of a
much broader pattern of “persecution” by the FPI. Since January 2017, at
least 59 people have been subjected to similar intimidation after
criticising the organisation on various social media platforms. Out of
recorded cases, 34 took place in May, after the police named Rizieq a
potential suspect. Initially, most incidents occurred in Jakarta and
West Java but have since spread to other parts of the country.<br />
<br />
Observers have rightly noted the <a class="ext" href="http://mediaindonesia.com/news/read/107077/negara-diminta-waspadai-persekusi/2017-06-01" target="_blank">“organised” nature<span class="ext"><span class="element-invisible"> (link is external)</span></span></a> of this intimidation campaign by the FPI. After successfully leading the rallies to “<a href="http://indonesiaatmelbourne.unimelb.edu.au/bigger-than-ahok-explaining-jakartas-2-december-mass-rally/">defend Islam</a>” in Jakarta in late 2016, the previously fringe organisation was openly courted by <a class="ext" href="https://news.detik.com/berita/d-3385675/temui-habib-rizieq-anies-baswedan-bantah-berbagai-fitnah" target="_blank">mainstream Muslim politicians.<span class="ext"><span class="element-invisible"> (link is external)</span></span></a> Presumably, preventing public ridicule of <a class="ext" href="http://megapolitan.kompas.com/read/2017/05/30/05422381/perjalanan.kasus.chat.whatsapp.yang.menjerat.rizieq.dan.firza" target="_blank">Rizieq’s alleged sex chats<span class="ext"><span class="element-invisible"> (link is external)</span></span></a>
seeks to protect this hard-won social capital that could prove useful
during the local and national elections looming in 2018 and 2019.
However, two aspects of these recent events can explain how their
significance goes beyond the narrow political interests of any single
organisation and why this mode of intimidation is likely to recur.<br />
<br />
First, FPI’s recent campaign builds on a tried-and-tested template of
indignant mob action to regulate social behaviour. As a general
phenomenon, where mobs either demand enforcement of the law to their
satisfaction or directly punish a range of alleged transgressions, <a class="ext" href="http://www.newmandala.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/01/Jaffrey-Figure3.jpg" target="_blank">vigilantism is rampant<span class="ext"><span class="element-invisible"> (link is external)</span></span></a> in Indonesia. As a self-professed vigilante organisation, the FPI also has a long <a class="ext" href="http://www.insideindonesia.org/convenient-thugs" target="_blank">history of conducting raids<span class="ext"><span class="element-invisible"> (link is external)</span></span></a>
against a host of “immoral” activities. Yet, the specific mode of
intimidation observed in the recent set of cases against individuals
accused of offending religious leaders is neither unique to the FPI nor
to its hard-line ideological agenda.<br />
<br />
Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), the largest Muslim organisation in Indonesia, also conducts <a class="ext" href="http://www.nu.or.id/post/read/70918/prihatin-konten-dunia-maya-nu-jatim-bentuk-cyber-force" target="_blank">online monitoring<span class="ext"><span class="element-invisible"> (link is external)</span></span></a> as part of an <a class="ext" href="http://regional.kompas.com/read/2016/09/01/19502271/polri.dan.pbnu.teken.mou.penanganan.kerawanan.sosial" target="_blank">agreement with the National Police.<span class="ext"><span class="element-invisible"> (link is external)</span></span></a>
Over the past year, members of NU’s youth militia, Banser, have
identified and “managed” several individuals accused of posting
derogatory comments about NU religious leaders (<em>kiyai</em>).<br />
<br />
In November 2016, a housewife from Serpong, on the outskirts of Jakarta, was <a class="ext" href="http://beritaenam.com/menghina-mbah-maimoen-sesat-dan-goblok-wanita-ini-dijemput-banser-nu-untuk-meminta-maaf" target="_blank">accused of insulting Kiyai Maimoen.<span class="ext"><span class="element-invisible"> (link is external)</span></span></a>
She used crude words to dismiss his suggestion that Ahok’s apology was
sufficient to put the blasphemy matter to rest. Following a visit by
Banser members, she was driven to Central Java, where she apologised to
Maimoen in person. A Jakarta resident who ridiculed a tweet by Mustofa
Bisri (commonly known as Gus Mus) was met with <a class="ext" href="https://news.detik.com/berita/d-3355030/ditemani-ibu-pandu-wijaya-temui-gus-mus-dan-minta-maaf-telah-menghina" target="_blank">a similar response.<span class="ext"><span class="element-invisible"> (link is external)</span></span></a>
In January, NU’s cyber team tracked offensive comments about the
organisation’s leader, Said Aqil Siradj. A Jember man accused of causing
the offence <a class="ext" href="https://news.detik.com/berita/d-3387010/pria-di-jember-minta-maaf-hina-ketum-pbnu-di-grup-medsos" target="_blank">issued a public apology<span class="ext"><span class="element-invisible"> (link is external)</span></span></a>
in a press conference arranged by the local Banser chapter. Most
recently, a Jakarta man refused to retract his allegedly offensive
comments about Kiyai Lutfi Yahya. Following a visit by local Banser
personnel, he promptly <a class="ext" href="https://seword.com/politik/ketika-preman-media-sosial-penghina-habib-luthfi-pucat-didatangi-banser-nu/" target="_blank">signed a statement of apology<span class="ext"><span class="element-invisible"> (link is external)</span></span></a> and posted it on his social media page.<br />
<br />
Members of Indonesia’s second largest Muslim organisation,
Muhammadiyah, have also taken a similar course. Last month, the
organisation’s youth wing in Sidoarjo, East Java, took issue with the
online comments of a local man accused of insulting two former leaders,
Din Syamsuddin and Amien Rais. The accused was <a class="ext" href="https://www.pwmu.co/30290/2017/05/diklarifikasi-pemuda-muhammadiyah-iyyas-subiakto-minta-maaf-telah-fitnah-amien-rais-dan-din-syamsuddin/" target="_blank">asked for “clarification”<span class="ext"><span class="element-invisible"> (link is external)</span></span></a> at the local police station, where he signed a written apology.<br />
<br />
There are no reports of NU or Muhammadiyah members engaging in the
kind of violence seen in the video of the Jakarta teen. The scale of
their efforts is also much smaller than FPI’s recent campaign. But the
general mode of response to a perceived offense is similar: the accused
offender is reported through a dedicated social media account; the
offensive post is circulated until the accused is tracked down; a group
claiming affiliation with the offended organisation visits the accused
and obtains an apology.<br />
<br />
It is worth noting that there is no attempt to conduct these
proceedings in secrecy. Instead, the organisation’s visit and the
apology from the accused offender are highly publicised affairs, with
photographs and videos widely circulated on social media. Creating a
public spectacle not only punishes the individual accused of an offence,
but also serves to forewarn others to adjust their behaviour
accordingly.<br />
<br />
Second, despite the <a class="ext" href="http://megapolitan.kompas.com/read/2017/06/03/13512651/polisi.tahan.dua.tersangka.kasus.persekusi.terhadap.remaja.di.cipinang" target="_blank">recent arrests<span class="ext"><span class="element-invisible"> (link is external)</span></span></a> and <a class="ext" href="http://www.bbc.com/indonesia/indonesia-40141948" target="_blank">disciplinary action<span class="ext"><span class="element-invisible"> (link is external)</span></span></a>
against local police heads, the Indonesian state systematically
encourages this mode of “offence” management. Recent incidents involving
the FPI prompted several observers and victims to <a class="ext" href="http://news.metrotvnews.com/read/2017/06/10/713620/persekusi-marak-negara-dianggap-tidak-hadir" target="_blank">lament the “state’s absence”.<span class="ext"><span class="element-invisible"> (link is external)</span></span></a>
Ironically, however, state officials have not only been present in most
of the recorded cases, but have actively facilitated written apologies
from the accused.<br />
<br />
In the case of the Jakarta teenager, the neighbourhood head was given advance notice by the FPI and <a class="ext" href="https://news.detik.com/berita/d-3517818/polisi-remaja-korban-persekusi-massa-di-cipinang-dipukul" target="_blank">the entire session<span class="ext"><span class="element-invisible"> (link is external)</span></span></a>
took place in his office. When a Tangerang woman was accused of
insulting Rizieq, the local police chief called her in for questioning
and negotiated an <a class="ext" href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_CNVceqmUlE" target="_blank">apology in his office.<span class="ext"><span class="element-invisible"> (link is external)</span></span></a>
According to a doctor from Solok, West Sumatra, who faced relentless
harassment by FPI members until she fled to Jakarta, the police remained
in close contact with her throughout her ordeal. An intelligence
officer <a class="ext" href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=a6RPaZLXTis" target="_blank">first warned her<span class="ext"><span class="element-invisible"> (link is external)</span></span></a>
about the impending visit from FPI. The subdistrict police chief
facilitated her apology and signed on as a witness. The district police
chief, who was eventually removed from her post for her role in the
case, also met with the doctor several times.<br />
<br />
What explains the relatively uniform state response to these
incidents, at varying times and in different places? Two mutually
reinforcing dynamics are at play. First, there are strong institutional
incentives for formal law-enforcement officials to push for semi-formal
mediation of social disputes. The police are generally under pressure to
de-clog the already overwhelmed criminal justice system. When faced
with a mob, these bureaucratic concerns are compounded by the need to
thwart potentially embarrassing violent confrontation through
negotiation.<br />
<br />
As a result, junior police officers are required to engage in “<a class="ext" href="http://tribratanews.polri.go.id/?p=22926" target="_blank">problem-solving<span class="ext"><span class="element-invisible"> (link is external)</span></span></a>” with communities to resolve disputes amicably (<em>secara kekeluargaan</em>) through dialogue (<em>musyawarah</em>).
Typically, this involves holding a mediation session in conjunction
with other government officials. The accused signs a letter admitting
guilt and promising not to repeat the offence. The complainant also
signs a letter accepting any compensation that is negotiated in the
process and promising not to press legal charges. All officials co-sign
the stamped letters and the case is considered resolved.<br />
<br />
This arbitration is mostly used for resolving disputes involving
individuals, such as petty theft, adultery, assault and traffic
accidents. But it is also becoming the routine method for <a class="ext" href="http://www.jawapos.com/read/2017/03/25/118637/ketika-gereja-santa-clara-ditolak-warga-polisi-siap-lakukan-mediasi" target="_blank">settling religious disputes<span class="ext"><span class="element-invisible"> (link is external)</span></span></a>
where one party is either an individual or a minority with considerably
less leverage than the other. In cases where one side is represented by
a mob, state officials <a class="ext" href="http://www.cnnindonesia.com/nasional/20150615145454-20-60084/fpi-kepung-markas-ahmadiyah-kepolisian-gelar-mediasi/" target="_blank">explicitly cite<span class="ext"><span class="element-invisible"> (link is external)</span></span></a>
the threat of violence to initiate mediation. In dealing with recent
cases of intimidation by the FPI, the local police seem to have broadly
followed this rather standard procedure.<br />
<br />
Second, strict legislation to control online defamation in general
and religious offence, in particular, creates equally strong incentives
for the accused to agree to semi-formal mediation. Consider the
alternatives. Even if an individual is prepared to risk mob violence and
refuses mediation, she would face a lengthy legal investigation that is
highly likely to result in an arraignment. According to <a class="ext" href="http://id.safenetvoice.org/daftarkasus/" target="_blank">data gathered by SafeNET<span class="ext"><span class="element-invisible"> (link is external)</span></span></a>, between 2008 and 2009, 79 cases were filed with the police, out of which 67 individuals were formally charged.<br />
<br />
To make matters worse, the same mob that was previously pressuring the accused for an apology would now mobilise to <a class="ext" href="https://news.detik.com/berita-jawa-barat/d-3514259/fpi-jabar-kawal-kasus-guru-sma-yang-diduga-hina-habib-rizieq?_ga=2.106862275.153658556.1496375740-1949263078.1474447746" target="_blank">“guard” (<em>kawal</em>) the legal process<span class="ext"><span class="element-invisible"> (link is external)</span></span></a> to ensure a satisfactorily hefty sentence is doled out. Given <a href="http://advokasi.elsam.or.id/assets/2015/09/20120000_ketidakadilan-dalam-beriman_book-ilrc.pdf">widespread concerns</a>
about susceptibility of the courts to this kind of pressure, the odds
of a conviction are high. At the same time, the offended organisation is
likely to lean on the accused’s employers and neighbours to elicit
social sanction. Given these options, it is not difficult to see why an
accused individual would rather resign herself to the outcome of an
unfair mediation after persecution, than risk prosecution by the state.<br />
<br />
There is no denying FPI’s recent campaign is designed to protect its
organisational interests. However, there is ample evidence to suggest
that other, more moderate organisations have also engaged in similar
efforts. Collectively, these efforts represent the latest skirmish in a
much wider contest over boundaries of religious offence in Indonesia.
The goal is not to eliminate offenders but to publically cow them into
submission. Vigilante action is proving to be an effective tactic, even
for mainstream organisations, because it allows them to leverage the
coercive capacity of the Indonesian state to achieve their ends.<br />
<br />
<br />
<i><b>Sana Jaffrey is a PhD candidate at the University of
Chicago’s Department of Political Science and a visiting fellow at the
Center for Study of Religion and Democracy (PUSAD Paramadina). She
previously led the design and implementation of the National Violence
Monitoring System (NVMS) database at the World Bank during 2008-2013.</b></i><br />
<br />
<i><b> </b><b>Siswo Mulyartono is a researcher at PUSAD Paramadina.
He has co-authored "Policing Religious Conflicts in Indonesia" and
wrote his BA thesis on the anti-Ahmadiyya mobilisation in Cikeusik,
Banten, at the Faculty of Political and Social Sciences of Syarif
Hidayatullah State Islamic University in Jakarta.</b></i>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com6tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5079583836622210732.post-74615015973880061532017-06-12T20:12:00.002+08:002017-06-12T21:47:45.758+08:00WHY INDONESIANS SELDOM CHOOSE PERTH FOR A HOLIDAY ...<h4 class="article-title" itemprop="headline" style="text-align: center;">
By Ross B. Taylor</h4>
<br />
<br />
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<article class="pulse-article" data-li-main-content="" id="pulse-article-content" itemscope="" itemtype="http://schema.org/NewsArticle" tabindex="-1"><div class="prose" itemprop="articleBody">
<b><br /></b>
The release last week of international visitor arrivals into Perth
looked a good news story: Up 9% for the year ended March 2017.<br />
<br />
But take a closer look at the number of people coming to WA as
tourists (excluding family, student and business visits) and the numbers
from Indonesia really are awful. Just compare the number of
holidaymakers arriving into Perth in this 12 month period:<br />
<br />
<ul>
<li>Malaysia: 71,488</li>
<li>
</li>
<li>Singapore: 62,700</li>
<li>
</li>
<li>Indonesia: 12,500</li>
</ul>
<br />
Our local hotel industry is desperate for more visitors and meanwhile
Indonesia has a growing middle-class, approaching 100 million people
and air travel for tourism is booming. So why such bad numbers?<br />
<br />
1.<b> Visas</b><br />
<br />
Obtaining a visa to visit Australia is finally becoming easier thanks
to a lot of work by our embassy in Jakarta and the WA Trade Office. For
too long Indonesians have had to queue or complete up to 16 pages of
information in order to apply for a visa, whilst their 'mates' in
Malaysia and Singapore could apply online. Also, a family of four from
Bali (for example) still must pay a non-refundable application fee of
$520.00 just to try and get a visa for Australia. It's too expensive.<br />
<br />
<b>2</b>. <b>Airlines:</b><br />
<br />
KL in Malaysia and Singapore have numerous flights into and from
Perth each day with various airlines, whilst only Garuda Indonesia
connects Perth and Jakarta; and that is not even a daily flight.
BatikAir commence flights between our two countries this month and they
will be a great addition to the travel industry in WA.<br />
<br />
<b>3. TourismWA</b><br />
<br />
<i>TourismWA</i> have, I believe, not really developed a clear
strategy for Indonesia in the past, preferring to focus on other
countries. Like many business people here in Australia, they 'forgot'
about the sleeping giant just a few hours to our north.<br />
<br />
With <i>TourismWA</i> coming
under the control of the Department of State development (DSD) in the near future - as part of the state government's re-structuring of its
departments - let's hope we see some positive leadership in getting more
Indonesians to visit us.<br />
<br />
<br />
Perth and our state has much to offer international tourists,
including from Indonesia. We just need to articulate what a great
experience awaits our neighbors when they get here.<br />
<br />
<b><i>Ross B. Taylor AM is the president of the Indonesia Institute (Inc) that is based in Perth. Ross can be followed on Twitter:</i></b><br />
<br />
<b><i>@indorosstaylor</i></b></div>
</article>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com7tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5079583836622210732.post-6839485463510112152017-06-01T18:56:00.002+08:002017-06-01T18:56:27.050+08:00Caning of gay men in Aceh: not necessarily the exception to Indonesian rule. <div class="magazine-title">
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<strong>By Daniel Peterson</strong></h4>
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Recent events in Indonesia should dispel any doubt about the
rising influence conservative Sunni Islamist sentiment is having on the
country’s laws.<br />
<br />
Just three weeks ago, Jakarta Governor Basuki Tjahaja Purnama, popularly known as Ahok, was <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/news/2017-05-09/jakartas-outgoing-governor-ahok-found-guilty-in-blasphemy-trial/8509936">found guilty of insulting the Qur’an and sentenced to two years in prison</a>. Ahok decided not to appeal the verdict “<a href="http://www.theaustralian.com.au/news/world/ahok-refuses-to-appeal-for-good-of-indonesia/news-story/3509457d99d6f82b28bd0853d35a1969">for the good of the country</a>”, fearing that any attempt to overturn his conviction would divide the nation’s capital even further.<br />
<br />
On 30 April and May 21, police raided gay sex parties in <a href="https://www.hrw.org/news/2017/05/04/indonesia-gay-porn-arrests-threaten-privacy">Surabaya</a>, Indonesia’s second-largest city, and <a href="http://edition.cnn.com/2017/05/22/asia/jakarta-sex-party-lgbt/">Jakarta</a>. Arrests were made in both instances for alleged violations of Indonesia’s anti-pornography law.<br />
Homosexuality is not illegal in Indonesia – although it is in the
autonomous province of Aceh. Police have said several of the men will be
charged under the anti-pornography law.<br />
<br />
On May 13, in Aceh’s capital Banda Aceh, <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/news/2017-05-23/gay-men-flogged-in-aceh-after-vigilantes-found-them-having-sex/8551188">two young gay men were caned 83 times</a> before more than 1,000 onlookers. They had been convicted of sodomy. <br />
Distinct from Indonesia’s national criminal code, Aceh’s criminal code, which is known locally as the <em><a href="http://www.jdih.setjen.kemendagri.go.id/download.php?KPUU=30437">Qanun Jinayat</a></em>,
prohibits sodomy. Vigilantism is also prohibited and has been denounced
by senior public officials. Despite this, the conduct of the vigilante
group that arrested the two young men after breaking into their rented
room and assaulting them both has not been scrutinised.<br />
<h2>
“Moral” crimes</h2>
The caning temporarily shifted international focus from Ahok’s
blasphemy conviction to issues of corporal punishment and the policing
of “moral” crimes in Indonesia’s sole autonomous province. <br />
While some may find comfort in the fact that Indonesia’s national
criminal code is not as draconian and invasive as Aceh’s, the underlying
ideological issue remains the same nationwide: contemporary Indonesia
is heading down the path of conservative Sunni Islamism.<br />
<br />
Indonesia’s Constitutional Court (<em>Mahkamah Konstitusi</em>) has declared that Islamic law is only <a href="http://www.mahkamahkonstitusi.go.id/public/content/persidangan/putusan/putusan_sidang_Putusan%20perkara%2016-PUU-VI-2008_15%20Agustus_telah%20baca.pdf">one source of law in Indonesia</a>, alongside traditional customary law (<em>adat</em>)
and Western law, to name a few. But for many of the country’s
Muslim-majority population and judiciary, conservative Sunni Islamic
norms are becoming the preferred basis for law and jurisprudence.<br />
<br />
Like Indonesia’s blasphemy laws, the Acehnese criminal code has received <a href="http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2017/04/01/qanun-jinayat-provokes-over-criminalization-of-lgbt-people-vunerable-groups-icjr.html">heavy criticism from human rights groups</a>. The most notable of “moral” offences prohibited under the code include adultery (<em>zina</em>), being in close proximity to a member of the opposite sex out of wedlock (<em>khalwat</em>), lesbian relations (<em>musahaqah</em>) and sodomy (<em>liwath</em>).<br />
<br />
The code prescribes a maximum penalty for sodomy of 100 strokes of
the cane. Human rights groups have decried the sanctioning and practice
of caning in Aceh as <a href="https://www.hrw.org/news/2017/05/19/indonesia-stop-public-flogging-gay-men">“medieval torture”</a>. <br />
Caning does, in fact, violate multiple international human rights conventions. Among these are the <a href="http://www.ohchr.org/Documents/ProfessionalInterest/cat.pdf">Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment</a>, and the <a href="http://www.ohchr.org/EN/ProfessionalInterest/Pages/CCPR.aspx">International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights</a>. It also contravenes human rights guaranteed in <a href="http://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---ed_protect/---protrav/---ilo_aids/documents/legaldocument/wcms_174556.pdf">Indonesia’s constitution</a>, including the right not to be tortured or subjected to degrading treatment.<br />
<br />
<a href="https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2017/05/indonesia-revoke-the-caning-sentence-of-gay-men-in-aceh/">Amnesty International</a>, <a href="https://www.un.org/press/en/2017/db170523.doc.htm">UN Human Rights – Asia</a>, as well as countless local <a href="http://www.dw.com/id/pasangan-gay-aceh-dihukum-cambuk/a-38867321">pro-diversity civil society organisations</a>
condemned the decision to cane the two men, aged 20 and 23. They also
called on the Indonesian government to uphold its commitment to
universal human rights standards.<br />
But these calls will almost certainly go unheeded, because, from a
legal perspective, Aceh’s criminal code is not necessarily
unconstitutional. What’s more, international human rights guarantees
may, in theory, be legally persuasive but enjoy no concrete legal
standing in Indonesia.<br />
<br />
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://cdn.theconversation.com/files/171565/width754/file-20170531-23667-bl0aty.jpg" />
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<span class="caption">Women in Aceh were publicly caned for spending time with men who were not their husbands.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Reuters/Beawiharta</span></span>
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<h2>
Constitutionality of Aceh’s criminal code</h2>
The authority for the statement that Aceh’s criminal code is not necessarily unconstitutional lies in a <a href="http://www.mahkamahkonstitusi.go.id/public/content/persidangan/putusan/putusan_sidang_Putusan%20PUU%20140_Senin%2019%20April%202010.pdf">2010 ruling of Indonesia’s Constitutional Court</a>.
That court found that Indonesia’s blasphemy law, the same law under
which Ahok was sentenced to two years’ prison, is constitutionally
valid.<br />
<br />
While the ruling received <a href="http://www.sbs.com.au/news/article/2017/05/22/un-urges-indonesia-free-jakarta-governor-jailed-blasphemy">broad criticism from human rights groups</a>, it remains the most definitive and recent authority on the status of individual human rights in Indonesia.<br />
The court made <a href="http://www.mahkamahkonstitusi.go.id/public/content/persidangan/putusan/putusan_sidang_Putusan%20PUU%20140_Senin%2019%20April%202010.pdf">several salient points</a>,
all of which help explain the implementation of corporal punishment in
Aceh and the discriminatory treatment of homosexuals. These were
strongly informed by the concept of religion and its exalted status in
Indonesian society.<br />
<br />
First, the court noted that Indonesia is neither an Islamic nor secular state. It is, rather, a religious state (<em>negara beragama</em>) based on the principle of One Almighty God (<em>Ketuhanan Yang Maha Esa</em>). <br />
The priority assigned to One Almighty God was born out of a
constitutional compromise between the drafters of the 1945 constitution,
some of whom hoped for a secular Indonesian state and others who
envisaged an Islamic state.<br />
<br />
As Indonesia is a religious state, the court found that “religious
values” inform what makes a law good or bad. They also constitute a
legitimate reason, the court said, to diminish individual human rights. <br />
But what are “religious values” and who has the authority to define them?<br />
The court’s interpretation of these values, as guaranteed in the 1945
constitution, may seem dubious to some. Rather than interpreting
“religious values” as universal principles of brotherhood and humanity,
for example, it read the term to mean the fundamental tenets of a
state-recognised religion (<em>pokok-pokok agama</em>), as defined by Indonesia’s Ministry of Religion. <br />
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://cdn.theconversation.com/files/171566/width754/file-20170531-23684-5mv7m8.jpg" />
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<span class="caption">Indonesia’s Constitutional Court argues the country is neither an Islamic nor secular state.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Reuters/Darren Whiteside</span></span>
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<h2>
Shari'a-based values</h2>
Aceh’s criminal code arguably reflects the broader view in Acehnese
society that corporal punishment is necessary to uphold local
shari‘a-based values. And to discourage contradictory “moral” offences,
of which homosexuality is one.<br />
<br />
Caning also enjoys historical legitimacy. It has featured throughout the Islamic tradition as a form of punishment for both <em>hudud</em> (crimes against Islamic law contained in the <em>Qur’an</em>) and <em>ta’zir</em> (discretionary punishments for crimes against Islamic law administered by the state) offences.<br />
<br />
The second crucial point of the ruling was that while religion may be
a private matter to some, the Constitutional Court endorsed a concept
of religion forming the identity of a community or society. <br />
As <a href="http://www.ucpress.edu/book.php?isbn=9780520277229">critics have argued</a>,
the court’s decision prioritised the rights of religious ideas over the
rights of individual adherents. It also legitimised the idea that a
person’s religious identity is akin to property and may not be infringed
upon.<br />
<br />
There are few parts of Indonesia, if any, where Islam is considered more a part of one’s identity than in Aceh.<br />
<br />
The Constitutional Court also found that upholding “religious values” was necessary to ensure public order. Again, <a href="http://www.ucpress.edu/book.php?isbn=9780520277229">critics</a>
have argued that the court conflated the need to maintain public order
with the tendency to pander to general public discontent. <br />
On this point, its stance partially explains why the criminal acts of
certain vigilante groups continue to go unpunished where religion is
concerned. Vigilantism in Aceh is commonly carried out in the name of
the shari‘a.<br />
<br />
Finally, the court stated that the Indonesian state had no obligation
to ensure the domestic application of international human rights
conventions. Rather, it held that Indonesia’s respect for various
conventions and international law apparatuses, including human rights,
must always be based on the philosophy and constitution of the Republic
of Indonesia. <br />
In other words, Indonesian “religious values” trump international human rights norms.<br />
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://cdn.theconversation.com/files/171567/width754/file-20170531-23672-x2ua6j.jpg" />
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<span class="caption">There are few parts of Indonesia where Islam is considered more a part of one’s identity than in Aceh.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Reuters/Damir Sagolj</span></span>
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<h2>
The exception or the rule?</h2>
Following something as controversial and divisive as the public
caning of two citizens for having consensual sex in private, supporters
of the LGBT community and opponents of corporal punishment may find it
comforting to think of Aceh as the exception to the rule. <br />
The province is, after all, the only one in Indonesia to legislate
corporal punishment and to prohibit same-sex relations. But it is not
the only one that’s home to <a href="https://www.lowyinstitute.org/the-interpreter/why-indonesian-extremists-are-gaining-ground">radical, often violent, Islamist groups and vigilantes</a> who, at times, <a href="https://www.quora.com/Indonesia-What-are-the-real-reasons-why-the-Indonesian-government-doesnt-ban-the-Islamic-Defenders-Front-Front-Pembela-Islam-FPI">appear to enjoy impunity</a>.<br />
<br />
Aceh may also not be the only province that prohibits same-sex
relations and sex out of wedlock for much longer. In May 2016, a group
calling itself the Family Love Alliance (AILA) petitioned the
Constitutional Court to conduct a <a href="http://indonesiaatmelbourne.unimelb.edu.au/first-blasphemy-now-homosexuality/">material review of the national criminal code</a>.<br />
<br />
While the review is still under way, AILA’s primary argument is that the national criminal code is a relic of colonial rule and <a href="https://www.kiblat.net/2016/09/26/aila-ajak-masyarakat-dukung-uji-materi-pasal-kesusilaan-kuhp/">does not reflect Indonesia’s traditional “religious values”</a>.<br />
<br />
If the court accedes to the petition, both sexual relations out of
wedlock and homosexual relations as such may be outlawed across the
archipelago. And this may provide sufficient justification for vigilante
groups to carry out similar acts of violence across Indonesia.<br />
So while it may be comforting to dismiss the caning as peculiar to
Aceh, if Ahok’s blasphemy conviction tells us anything, it’s that it
would be foolhardy to assume that other parts of the archipelago aren’t
on a similar, albeit slower, trajectory.<br />
<br />
<i><b>Daniel Peterson is a PhD Candidate / Research Assistant, Institute for Religion, Politics and Society, Australian Catholic University
</b></i><br />
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